The tablet of Antef II. from the tomb in the Valley of El Assasif

The Tablet of Antefaa II

By S. Birch, LL.D.

[Extracted from Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, vol. 4 (1876), pp. 172-94.]

Read 2nd March, 1875.

By the extreme kindness of Mariette-Bey, who has forwarded to me, through M. Maspero, a copy of the tablet of Antefaa II, which has been added to the Museum at Boulaq, but which was formerly placed before the tomb of the monarch in the valley of the El Assasif at Thebes, it is in my power to give some account of that monument. The lower portion of it only remains, the upper part having been broken away, comprising the representation of the body of the king from the head to the waist, and the portion of the commencement of the first seven lines. This is the more to be regretted, that the loss embarrasses the continuity of the text which presents some difficulties. The tablet represented the king standing and facing to the left, his right hand raised as if addressing the god, his left pendent, and holding a symbol of life. In accordance with Egyptian art, one foot, the left, is advanced, and both wear recurved sandals. The king has worn a long triangular tunic round the loins: of this tunic the lower portion remains, while the pendent leonine sash falls down his back behind. Before the king are three dogs, placed one above another, and a fourth between his legs. Each of these dogs has a collar round the neck. They are marked A, B, C, D in the accompanying woodcuts. The first of these dogs, marked A, is called 'the dog Bahakaa, alias Mahut,' and it wears a narrow collar round the neck with a tie in front. The phrase "alias" is here expressed by [glyphs], er tet 'that is to say,' and the second [p.173] name Mahut is accompanied by the determinative of a gazelle, and means the leucoryx or 'white antelope.' This expression probably refers to the colour and swiftness of the hound. It has pendent ears, and resembles a foxhound; and dogs of the

same kind, and of a white colour, are said to be brought at the present day from Nubia. They also appear amidst the tributes of Kush or Ethiopia brought to Thothmes III, and depicted in the tomb of Rekmara1 at Thebes, and in the similar tributes offered to Rameses II, at Beitoually2 in Nubia. Another hound of the same breed, with a nose rather more pointed, is represented by Sir Gardner Wilkinson3 in the work already cited, and has also a collar round the neck.


It is only a sub-variety of the same kind of hound which had to be restrained by a rope, and not let loose till the game appeared in sight. All these, like the greyhound, stood high, were of slim proportions, and evidently dogs of great swiftness. A similar dog is seen in the tomb figured by Rosellini4 running in pursuit of a gazelle amidst scenes where the jackal, dorcas, and addax goats and a bird like the ostrich flies before it. Sir Gardner Wilkinson has also figured a pair of hounds of different breeds, one of which resembles it in general appearance, but is of a pied colour. There can be no doubt that this dog was a kind of hound, and used for purposes of hunting. This is the dog men-

tioned in the Abbott Papyrus by which the tablet of the king was distinguished, although in the plate and inscription it is not in the place mentioned in the text of the papyrus.5 It was probably the most celebrated of the king's dogs, and by its name and peculiarity enabled the tomb to be at once recognised. There is another dog of a similar breed given from the tombs by Rosellini6 and Sir Gardner Wilkinson,7 and also a kind of hound; it has a larger nose and tail, and is mottled black and white. The dog resembles a Pomeranian one in some respects, and has a collar apparently of beads [p.175] round its neck, of a yellow, red, blue, and white colour. Both these dogs are rarely represented in the scenes, although occasionally seen employed in the chase8 at an early period. They are as old as the VIth Dynasty.

The second dog, B, bears the name of Abakaru. Two or

three explanations might be given of this name, but as they would be purely conjectural they are not attempted. The dog has a pointed nose, upright ears, and curled tail, like the [p.176] modern spitz. This collar is a cord four times tied round the neck, and also tied in front. This dog has a very sharp and active look. It is the oldest dog seen on the monuments, appearing at the time of Cheops of the IVth Dynasty, and called by some the Khufu dog. In the tombs of that period he appears as a house dog attached to the chair of his master; he was of the kind called [glyphs] tasem, and one under the chair of an officer of the XIIth dynasty9 was named Xafmes. Another with a cord lashed five times round the neck is seen at the foot of an officer named Ra-saaf-anχ of the period of the IVth Dynasty, who goes out with it to the fields.10 A similar dog in the tomb of another officer named Tebhen has no collar, but has the name of Ken ..., while the same breed is represented in the hunting field with other dogs pursuing animals,11 and runs with the cord round its neck. It appears also as a household dog, named Tem or Katem, under the chair of an officer, and one whose name was Akena is seen lying down in another scene12 of the time of Sepeskaf. Similar dogs constantly are seen in the tombs of the old Empire, and were used in small packs, as many as four being represented held by ties round the neck.13 Rosellini14 has figured some of this breed of a black and liver colour; one with the name of Menemmuf, perhaps an epithet of his quality of a water-dog, and the name 'Nahsi.' A female dog of this breed has also the name Satekai.15 According to M. Pichot,16 this dog with pointed ears is still found in the bazaars of Cairo, and is not to be mistaken for the tame jackal, which the Egyptians represented in a different manner.

Several dogs of this breed appear in the monuments, and [p.177] have been depicted by Rosellini and Sir Gardner Wilkinson, and are chiefly of a pied colour,17 as in the following example.

According to Youatt, it is a dog not unlike the old Talbot hound or Eskimaux dog.18

The modern Egyptian dog, described by that author, is not the same, but many varieties of the race with pointed ears appear on the monuments; one, a female dog of a black and liver colour, like a turn-spit, with short legs and pointed

nose,19 evidently a household dog, and unsuited for the chase. Others occur with white and brown spots like the poodle or spaniel,20 or yellow and white with red eyes.21 A remarkable variety of this type resembles closely such dogs of mongrel origin as are often seen at the present day, and were perhaps half-breeds of the dogs with pointed noses and the flat-nosed dog or hound, and were used either for in or out door [p.178] purposes. Such is the dog called Nahasu,22 the name conferred on the animal given in Rosellini and having a red and blue colour, a spotted dog with a yellow skin,23 and another flitter and liver coloured,24 with a white and yellow variety:

all of which were apparently house dogs, or pets, and not suitable for other purposes. The older breed of the dogs held ready to start or actually running is constantly seen in the tombs till the close of XIIth Dynasty.25 This dog was indigenous to Egypt, is not seen brought as a foreign animal, and has remained till the present day.

The third dog, C, is called 'Pahatos, alias Kamu.' The first name is, like the preceding, of doubtful meaning. The [p.179] second means 'Black,' probably referring to the colour of the dog. It is a kind of mastiff, and was probably used for the chase of large animals, although it has not so large a collar of coiled rope round the neck to protect it from their claws. It is clearly a mastiff,26 a breed rarely represented in the sculptures, but which, however, is found,27 but not at the earlier period of the IVth Dynasty.28 This was probably an Indian or Ethiopian dog, and resembles in type the large hounds seen in the Assyrian sculptures. It was probably introduced into Egypt from Ethiopia after the progress of the arms of the early Pharaohs had penetrated into Ethiopia. Such hounds were suitable for hunting the lion, and the monarch of the forest appears among the various animals of the mountains at an early period. In the Assyrian sculptures this kind of dog is seen thus employed, and the large and powerful hounds of the breed were brought from India.

It is represented with a leash round its neck in the sculptures, and at this early period had been introduced into Egypt, although it does appear like that with the pointed ears, the indigenous dog mentioned before, to have been used as a house dog. In the letter of Candace, the queen of Ethiopia, to Alexander the Great,29 she mentions "canes [p.180] etiara in homines efferaeissimos nouaginta," apparently ninety blood-hounds, or some other kind of dogs, which might be used either in the chase of men, or employed like that by Rameses II in war against his enemies. All these different breeds appear intermingled, and to have produced the different varieties of hounds seen in the sculptures.

The fourth dog, which stands between the legs of the king, is called Tekar or Tekal, the name conferred upon him.

Like two of the others he has a second appellative, Uha t neb χar naf or χar f, which does not appear like the preceding to refer to the colour of the animal. It is not preceded by the expression [glyphs] en let, as in the other cases. The first word of the appellative [glyphs] uha.t, perhaps a variant of the word [glyphs] u.ha 'to lay waste, plough up, or destroy,' a word analogous to [glyphs] 'to cut off or raze.' It is followed by the word [glyphs] neb 'lord' or 'all,' and the word [glyphs] χar neft 'under his breath.' The meaning of this epithet seems very obscure. There is one peculiarity about it, the presence of two feminine articles from which it would appear that the dog was female, although the bold and erect attitude it assumes gives it the character of a male dog. Round its neck is a cord thrice lashed round its neck. This dog closely resembles the Dalmatian hound.30 It is rarely if [p.181] ever represented in the hunting scenes, and was not, like the preceding dogs, indigenous to the country, nor is it known whence it came. In the case of the dogs A. and C, their colour is mentioned in their epithet. B. has probably his expressed m his name, as the first syllable ab means 'pied' or 'spotted,' and Akar may signify a 'Sphinx,' and his name 'the Spotted' or 'pied Sphinx' may express his colour. It is consequently fair to suppose that the appellative of this dog expresses also the colour; but it is difficult to know what it is intended to express.

The hieroglyph [glyphs] a dog walking with its tail raised was used for the determinative of the word tasem or 'hound,'31 perhaps the female or watch dog, as it is written in hieratic tasmer or as-niut. It is a word also applied to certain parts of a fortification, perhaps as the watch-towers or look-outs of the wall. Some varieties of this form are found, as [glyph32] the determinative of the word uhar, the male dog, the Coptic [Copt.] pi-uhor. Another variety of dog was called au or au-au,33 and appears to have been employed in the chase. It had the same determinative with the raised tail,34 or else was represented seated [glyph]35 would appear that this was either the wild dog or the jackal, as it is found with the determinative [glyph] of that animal, the great peculiarity of the dog being that it turns on one side, or curls its tail, while the jackal and wild dog carry the tail pendent. The Egyptians used the same jackal or canis aureus for the chase, and it no doubt closely resembles the dog B., indeed Laborde states that he hunted with this kind of dog in Arabia. In the campaigns of Meneptah, the Libyans are said to have come down on Egypt like these mi dogs, a metaphor more applicable to the wild dog or the jackal, whole troops of which still range the desert and disturb the stillness of the night by their lugubrious howl or wail. Amongst the many [p.182] hunting scenes already mentioned, several of these wild dogs are seen in pursuit of game. The word mi evidently indicates a peculiar breed or kind of dog different from the tasem and the uhar, and was probably that descended from the jackal or hyæna, an animal domesticated in Egypt, and even at the time of the IVth Dynasty prized as a luxury of the table. It is, indeed, just probable that one of the varieties of ancient dogs may have resulted from a crossing with this animal. Another name applied to the dog was [glyphs] unsu or [glyphs] or [glyphs] unsau 'wolves,' a very singular one, as favouring the derivation of the dog from the domesticated wolf. There is a very remarkable letter of the scribe Enna, in the days of Meneptah of the XIXth Dynasty, in which that scribe speaks of large packs of hounds, 200 of the kind called [glyphs] uau, and 300 more unsa—500 in all. "They stand," he says, "daily at the door of his house at the time of his rising out of sleep. They make a breakfast when the amphora is opened. He does not, he continues to say, wish to have any of the little dogs or pups of the breed of Nahar Hu, the royal scribe, staying in the house, for it is an annoyance to me. Hour after hour, every time of his going out, in his going in the road, this dog must be kicked and flogged, making the thongs of the whip fall out one after another. The red long-tailed dog goes at night into the stalls of the hills. He is better than the long-faced dog. He makes no delay in hunting, his face glares like a god, and he delights to do his work, the kennel where he abides he does not make it";36 that is, he does not stop anywhere in the pursuit of his prey. It is remarkable to find these animals classed together, but the term wolf was probably applied to one of the breeds of dogs on account of its resemblance in appearance or quality of mind and hunting powers to that more ferocious animal.


The Egyptian was much attached to this animal, and by no means held it in abhorrence, as the Jews appear to have done, and who always speak of it and the ass in terms of contempt, and there is no record of its use amongst them either for the protection of the house or purposes of the chase. The only instance of familiarity with the dog being m the Apocrypha, where the dog of Tobias runs home before him to announce his approach.

Another kind of hound is supposed to be mentioned in the romance of the Doomed Prince, and to have been called the boarhound. The boar hunt was probably a favourite pursuit of the Assyrians; at all events, the wild boar, although not chased, is seen in the reliefs, the other animals hunted by Assurbanipal or Sardanapalus being the lion, the wild ass, the deer, and the wild goat. There is no instance of the Egyptians ever following the boar, an animal held by them in abhorrence, and which they could not touch, or even allow to touch them. It is indeed possible, that in the days of Thothmes III the boar may have been pursued as now in the plains of Mesopotamia, and that the romance in question is the translation or reproduction of some Aramaean work of imagination. But it is also probable that the expression of the Harris Papyrus does not refer to that hound. The word for dog in the romance37 is [glyphs] au, or, as some Egyptologists persist to read it fu, the au being probably the onomatopoeia of the familiar wow—or bow wow by which the dog is known—the short cry or bark of the dog. The passage about the supposed boarhound is much mutilated, and reads either [glyphs] χet χet rera, "follower of the boar," or if [glyphs]38 χet χet sera, "follower of the youth," that is, a dog that went about with a boy, a harmless domesticated animal, or even if the word kra applies to the dog itself, a pup, it being probable that the alarmed father of the prince sent the least dangerous kind of dog he could to pacify his son rather than a fierce boarhound, [p.184] which would have been more likely to soon fulfil the conditions of the oracle. At all events, the hieratic form favours the hypothesis. Without doubt he was ultimately destroyed by the dog, but in what manner the mutilated tale does not describe. The dog, subsequent to the Muslim conquest of Egypt, has been allowed to roam wild in herds through the streets and suburbs, and are all said39 to be affected by mange, leprosy, or some other cutaneous malady. The Arabs, however, had harehounds.

In the articles brought at different times to Egypt by the neighbouring countries dogs occasionally appear, as in those brought to the Queen Hatasu or Haseps from Punt or Arabia, others which came from the Ethiopians at the time of Thothmes III, and the bloodhounds mentioned in the letter as sent by Queen Candace from Ethiopia.

In the examination made in the I6th year of Rameses IX of the tombs violated by robbers, one of the principal tombs investigated was that of Antefaa of the XIth Dynasty. The passage reads:—

"The tomb of the king of Upper Egypt, son of the Sun, Antefaa the living, which is north of the temple of Amenhept [I] the living, of the forecourt his tomb placed in it is damaged—its tablet is placed before it. There is a figure of the king standing on the tablet with his dog between his legs, it is called Buhaka, examined on that day (the 18th of the month Athor) it was found uninjured."40

The tablet, as will be seen, is considerably injured, and it is of course possible that it may have been so at the remote period when the inquest was held. The description of the inquest does not exactly correspond with the copy of the tablet discovered by Mariette-Bey. The dog Buhaka is the dog A, and M. Maspero's copy makes that dog to stand before the legs of the king, the first of a perpendicular row [p.185] of three dogs A, B, C, the dog between the legs being D, named Tekal, and the word Buhaka being differently written as Bahakaa. These variations often occur, the transcription of words pronounced but not seen being differently written, thanks to a pliant polyphonic system.

The custom of naming dogs was by no means uncommon, and several instances of appellatives being applied to these animals occur. At Beitoually, Rameses II has at the foot of his throne a dog called Antaemneχt, or 'Anaitis in power,' and in the tombs of the IVth and XIIth Dynasties many dogs have names. Thus at the time of XIIth Dynasty dogs are seen named [glyphs] Satekai,41 [glyphs] Xabesu,42 [glyphs] Menmaufnahsi,43 [glyphs] Snab,44 and [glyphs] Xafmes,45 [glyphs] Akena,46 and [glyphs] Ken ...,47 and [glyphs] Temaa.48

Names, in fact, wore freely conferred in Egypt on horses and other animals, and even tools had particular and distinguishing names: these names often expressed metaphorically the qualities and uses of the object on which they were conferred.

The pack of Antefaa were named agreeably to the usual custom, This pack of hounds of Antefaa is like the same animals in the royal kennels of Assurbanipal, which were used in the lion hunts of that monarch, and of which terra cotta figures with their names were found placed behind the slabs of the lion hunts at Kouyunjik. That Antefaa was attached to the chase is evident, for the different kind of dogs are all varieties of hounds used for that purpose by the Egyptians. Besides the dog an officer named [glyphs] Tekenru, draped in a collar usχ and tunic Senti with pendant arms, and of smaller size, follows the king. He is unaccompanied by any title, but may be the huntsman of the king. [p.186] At the time of Cheops the officer Amten held amongst other employments that of [glyphs] χem nu or χerp nu with the determinative of a man holding a dog.49 It is difficult to know what this expression exactly means, but the determinative favours the supposition that it may be intended to express master of the hounds. Such an office must have evidently existed for the packs of hounds used by the Pharaohs, and the chief nobility of Egypt, ever engaged in the chase, but it is not otherwise found.

The subject of the XIth Dynasty has been already treated by the late Vicomte de Rouge in the Revue Archeologique, and its relation to the XIIth Dynasty proved by the tablet of Leyden,50 which had formed part of the sepulchre of an officer named Antefakar, who had been superintendent of the Canals of Abydos. Amongst the persons represented on that tablet is one Amensu, who states that the father of the father of his father, that is his great-grandfather, was appointed to the same office in the reign of the "Horus augmenting life the king, son of the Sun Antef" Now this king has the same Horus title as Antefaa, and is probably the same monarch. The time of the erection of the tablet was the thirty-third year of Osortesen I; and as Antefaa reigned from this tablet 50 years, it gives 83 years from that period to the commencement of the reign of Antefaa. But as four generations are involved by the statement, the whole period was probably 120 years. In this inscription Antef has not the usual cartouche; but this is not uncommon in the Antef line, and was probably due to the fact that the whole line, always local, derived its origin from a nomarch or collateral branch of a royal family.

The succession of the XIth Dynasty has indeed been arranged by Lepsius,51 but as the reasons on which it is based are not given, it will be necessary to cast a glance on the state of the inquiry as it stands at present.


According to the epitomists of Manetho, there were 13 kings of the line, who reigned 43 years only. It will be seen from the inscriptions that Antefaa reigned fifty, and another monarch 43 years, so that Manetho's account is obviously incorrect. Lepsius' series is—

1. Antef [called 'the good god'].
2. Mentuhetp, king of Upper and Lower Egypt.
3. Antef II, Horus hapt ma, and same title in cartouche prenomen. His wife Mentuhetp.
4. Antef III. Har hi ma. His queen Nubsas. Another queen Xonsu. A king Har uah anχ Antef not in cartouche.
5. Mentuhetp II, prenomen Ra neb χru.
6. Antef IV, prenomen Ra nub χeper. Usersen.
7. Mentuhetp III, prenomen Ra neb hetp. A queen mother Ama,
8. Ra sanχ ka.
9. A king whose name is destroyed.
10. Ra neb nem.

The Karnak list,52 the order of which is in other instances unfortunately misplaced, and consequently not absolutely authoritative, gives six monarchs of this line, five in the first row and one at the end of the fourth close to the kings of the XVIIth Dynasty. They are as follows:—

1. The Horus Antef in a cartouche.
2. The Horus Antefaa in a cartouche.
3. The Horus ha Antef in a cartouche.
4. The Horus ancestor Mentuhetp.
5. The Repa ha [Heir-apparent] not in a cartouche.

All these are in the second line.

6. The good god, lord active, Ra anχ χeper (Antef).

In the 4th line, amongst the kings of the XVIIth and XVIIIth Dynasty.


The tablet of Abydos gives only two monarchs of this line—

1. Ra-neb-χru or Mentuhetp II,
2. Ra-sanχ-ka,

as the 57th and 58th names of the list; and the same only are found in the tablet of Sakkara as the 45th and 46th of the list.53 Their names are not found in the Papyrus of Turin, so that the reconstruction of the dynasty depends entirely on the internal evidence the monuments afford, and the monuments cannot be arranged according to the official lists. The principal information that these afford is, that some of the so-called dynasty had not assumed the title of king, but were only princes, heirs-apparent to the throne, or else local lords of the nome over which they ruled.

The monarch Mentuhetp II was one of the ancestors of the XVIIIth Dynasty, and his statue was carried in the ancestral processions of that line. The title 'Horus ancestor,' applied in the Karnak tablet to one of these kings of the XIth, probably has reference to the XVIIIth Dynasty having descended from him. In the absence of positive information, it will be necessary to consider the general facts connected with this line. It does not under any circumstances appear to have ruled beyond Egypt, for no tablet erected in their reign is found at the mines of the Sarabit-el-Khadim or the Wady Magarah. Nor in Egypt itself up to the present date has any monument been found dated in the reigns of any of the rulers of this line.

The outer case of the mummy of Antefaa exists at present in the Louvre, and the principal point of interest connected with it is that this monarch, who is the supposed Antef II, received a burial from his brother, Antef III. On the coffin he is called Antef only; but the prenomen of this monarch is well known, and is found on a pyramidion from Thebes,54 on one side of which is part of the title of a sovereign named Mentuhetp, supposed by some to be a queen and the wife of Antefaa. It is not possible to decide this point, owing to [p.189] a fracture of the monument, but a queen of the name of Mentuhetp is known, as also that she was a queen-mother. The list of Lepsius give two queens for Antef III. The first of these queens was named Nubsas, the second Xonsu. The evidence of their belonging to this monarch rests on the assignment of Lepsius only. It will be observed that in the list of Lepsius an Antef is given, not in the usual cartouche and preceded by the Horus title Uah anχ, 'augmenter of life;' this phrase is the Horus or so-called standard title, but ought rather to be termed the palatial title of Antefaa. The square in which this title is inscribed represented a doorway, not a banner; and in some examples the bolts by which the door was secured are depicted at the lower part of the hieroglyph. These Horus titles, prior to the XIIth Dynasty, were constant, not changed during the life of the monarch, nor assumed by their successors. It is therefore conclusive that the Antef placed after Antef III was Antefaa, or Antef II. The case of Antef III has also been found at the El Assasif,55 and is in the Museum of the Louvre. His prenomen, Ra xerp apu her ma, appears to have been added to it after the other inscriptions, but there is no reason to suppose that the cave had been usurped by a later king, that being impossible. He bears in the inscriptions the name of Antef only. The coffins at this period were hewn out of a single tree, and fashioned in the shape of the mummy. Mentuhetp II appears to have been a victorious monarch, and is represented on the rocks of Konosse as having vanquished thirteen nations or tribes. This king is represented as the worshipper of Khem or Coptos. The most illustrious monarch of the series was Mentuhetp III, and dates of his reign are found as high as his 43rd year. The inscriptions of Coptos represent him worshipping the god Khem on the rocks of El Hammamat, the entrance of valley reaching to Coptos. A tablet discovered by Mr. Harris, the copy of which was unfortunately lost at the time, represented him worshipped by his successor, Antef IV. It is this monarch who, as has been already observed, was the predecessor of [p.190] the monarchs of the XVIIIth Dynasty. The earlier inscriptions on the same rocks record the second year of the reign of Mentuhetp III.56

From excavations made many years ago at Medinat Habu, by Lord Dufferin, it appears that a shrine of that site was founded by one of the Antefs, whose name was inscribed on the border of a wooden tablet dedicated to the god Amen Ra, or the Theban Jupiter. A beautiful statue of that god, probably of the same age, was found by Mr. Cyril Graham during the course of the excavations.

Another monarch of this line was Ameni, a king mentioned on 839 tablet in a funeral inscription describing the titles of a person named Sanaru, who bore the title of royal priest in the land of Ameni χerp [glyphs], suten ah ern Ameni χerp ahmer. The numerous persons named Ameni at the commencement of the XIIth Dynasty show that the name was given to those born in the reign of a previous monarch, and Ameni must be added to the list of Antefs as closing the line of kings of the XIth Dynasty.

A tablet of the British Museum, No. 569, throws some light on the reign of Ameni of the XIth Dynasty. The officer Hathorsa or Saenathor, for whom it had been made, and who lived in the reign of Amenemha II, records his services both on the Egyptian frontiers in the south, where he had penetrated as far as the Nahsi or Negroes, and had occupied himself in the obtaining of gold from Ethiopia. He has also been engaged in the construction of the palace of Ameni-χerp abmer or Ameni, the consecrated Pyramid, or consecrator of the Pyramid. Here he had under him fifteen chiefs at the [glyphs] rot either the "steps" or the base of the edifice. Saenathor appears to have completed his labours in a day less than two months.57

The seven lines of hieroglyphs placed before the king appear to relate to certain donations he had made to the temple of Amen at Thebes, probably to the original shrine [p.191] at Medinat Habu, and to his sepulchre. The upper part of each line is wanting owing to the fracture of the monument. The purport of the whole is rather obscure.

1 The persons of Amen, his divine abode was filled with noble vases to pour out libations, never has been found what has been done to Amen the first of all existent types.
2 [for ever] and ever. For then were built their divine abode, laid their staircase, chiselled their halls, appointed their sacred supplies in it for ever. Was found.
3 ..... its limit behind the pool, made by the work in the noble hill. The East was also occupied, all its enclosures were open, being made open in front.
4 .... like the Heaven, greatest of things, like the sea, noblest of the glories of the places of waters surrounded by that arable land. I myself ordered my son, I gave my commands.
5 .... without cessation coming out of [the] mouth. Not commanded the passage of that word. He who was in the desert did not strangle that word prepared in place of my fathers, not neglecting to hear his word.
6 .... it for ever and ever. The 50th year this tablet was set up at the sepulchre of the Horus, augmenter of life, living of Upper and Lower Egypt, the Son of the Sun Antefaa.
7 .... thousands of loaves, jars of beer, flesh, fowl, thousands of all goods things, to the Horus augmenter of life, king of Upper and Lower Egypt, son of the Sun Antefaa.

The philological difficulties of this text are very great. At the beginning of the first line, the part preceding the word Amen, requires to be restored apparently in connection with the two determinatives that follow the name of that god. The part which follows the name of the god Amen when it is mentioned a second time is also wanting, but was evidently part of the titles of the same god, and is one of those difficult mystical titles of the god, other examples of [p.192] which are seen on the tablets of the XIIth Dynasty, as in one in tile British Museum dated in the 13th year of Amenemha II, api sut χeper kar hat "forthwith produced at first,"58 the latter part of which is perhaps to be restored in this text. In the 2nd line is a word [glyphs] sak-hu or rather s-kahu, the hand at the end being used at this time for a determinative. This verb is applied to constructions and may be in connection with the word akhu a hatchet,59 and occurs in the great Harris Papyrus before the word mens 'a galley,' in the lists apparently in the sense of 'shipbuilding.' Here it belongs to the word oxf, or steps of the edifice. In the 93rd line is the word [glyphs] ath or tah, a word in some variants supposed to mean 'marsh,'60 but apparently not with that meaning here, being accompanied with another determinative usually found in the word χenem61 and supposed to relate to the inner apartments in that word, and it also occurs in the word χener62 or χena63 to shut or inclose, apparently connecting this particular form with the idea of an 'enclosed place' which was 'open.' The word ar [glyphs] in line 3 rarely occurs in inscriptions, although this group forms the final syllable of the words Ta-ar and ma-ar in the sense of to bind, chain or imprison. The present form is probably connected with the Coptic [Copt.] a noose to strangle with, and hence the sense of the passage that "he who was in the desert or the Her-sa was never strangled" or 'suffocated.' But the form is so rare as to suggest that the [glyph], which is sometimes seen transfixing as it were the eagle, may have been omitted in the copy or by the masons. Altogether the word before the titles of the king has [glyph] a alone remaining. It has been partly erased, but as the other signs are uncertain, the sense of the passage [p.193] and condition of the monument requires that the word a[bmer] sepulchre, should be supplied, as the tablet was placed before that monument of the king. The form sen or sent is usually accompanied by the determinative of the slug, but here has the cake, a form which occasionally occurs on the monuments. The passage is rather difficult, as the word when the determinative of sent 'terror' is the plucked goose, and it may read "Unspeakable it was the terror of that word," meaning that the effect of his commands were such that the Herusa or supposed Bedouins could not dare to disobey it; and the following sentence means 'the Herusa could' or 'did not strangle that word' or order which Antefaa had given to his son. There are many difficulties in this part of the inscription, the chief interest of it being the high date of the king's reign, and it is remarkable that there is no allusion to the hunting expeditions of the king, in which he no doubt engaged. The text appears to refer to the occupation of this part of the country for the purpose of executing these monuments, and that it was done without either opposition or oppression on the part of the monarch or his family. There is not much wanting, as the king having his arm elevated, and the text being arranged so as to meet the requirements of the figure, about one third of the whole is probably absent. The inscriptions of the XIth Dynasty are however so rare, that the present is a most valuable addition to those already known for the light it throws on the obscure period of that dynasty.

I owe to the kindness of M. Mariette the following account of the Tombs of the XIth Dynasty—

"La tombe ou la Stèle a été trouvée existe encore a Drah-abou'l-neggah. Elle est située plus prés du Nil que de la montagne et juste a la lisière des terres cultivées. Elle consiste en une pyramide de briques crues qui n'a pas du avoir plus d'une quinzaine de mètres de base. Au centre et dans le massif de cette pyramide est une chambre dont le [p.194] fond était occupe par la Stèle en question. Cette chambre avait une porte parfaitement visible du dehors, et dans l'antiquité on la visitait par conséquent quand on voulait.

"Mais ce qui était cache, c'est la chambre mortuaire proprement dite. La pyramide étant construite sur le roc, c'est dans le roc qu'a été creusée la tombe et que se trouve la chambre ou repose la momie. Je ne Tai pas trouvée. La pyramide, en effet, n'est pas orientée. D'un autre côte l'entrée du couloir qui conduit a la chambre peut se rencontrer au sud, au nord, a l'est, a l'ouest, et même assez loin du monument. II faut dire aussi que ce qui reste de la pyramide se trouve enclave dans une propriété particulière. Je n'ai donc pu faire sur la pyramide que des tentatives d'autant moins sérieuses que je n'avais aucune régie pour me guider, ni aucun précédent a suivre.

"J'ajouterai que l'usage de disposer les morts dans les tombes ayant la forme extérieure de pyramides et bâties en briques, est commun a tout le Moyen-Empire, depuis la XIe jusqu'a la XIIe dynastie. J'en ai trouve plus de cent a Abydos. Dans ce cas les pyramides ne sont pas orientées. Comme la tombe d'Antef-aa, elles ont deux chambres, une accessible en tout temps, l'autre a jamais cachée. Les tombes de Drah-abou'l-neggah qui appartiennent a cette période sont régies par les memos lois, même quand elles sont creusées dans le roc vif. En ce cas une ou plusieurs chambres donnent accès aux visiteurs, et on n'arrive a la chambre mortuaire que par un puits rectangulaire le plus souvent vertical, quelquefois incline. J'ai trouve autrefois la tombe d'Antef Ra-neb-Xeper. En avant de la porte étaient deux obélisques, ce qui prouve qu'on n'avait pas du tout l'intention de rendre cette tombe invisible du dehors. Le tout, comme vous le voyez, rentre dans les conditions des mastabas de l'Ancien-Empire.

"Quant a tons ces petits objets, meubles, ustensiles, armes, vases, paniers, blé, fruits, pains, etc., que les tombes de la XIe dynastie nous restituent si souvent, c'est dans la chambre mortuaire, avec la momie ou a cote, qu'on les trouve, jamais dans la salle extérieure, réservée seulement aux prières des survivants."




'The following letters from Mr. A. D. Bartlett, F.Z.S., were read at the meeting, and ordered to be printed after the paper by Dr. Birch:—

    "Zoological Society's Gardens,
    "Regent's Park, London, N.W.,
    ''February 20, 1875.

    "Dear Sir,

    "In reply to your note, I consider the figure of the dog A closely resembles the Dalmatian Hound in form, and probably the Gazelle Hounds are descendants of this breed. B well represents a dog found iu the North of China, barely distinguishable from the Esquimaux, which may be regarded as half wolf. We have also the Wild Dog of Australia (the Dingo), not in any respect different in form or general character from the figure B. The form of C is doubtless that of the Mastiff; and D appears to be a smaller and probably a pet house dog; it appears to have had its ears cropped,"

    Yours faithfully,
    "A. D, BARTLETT."
    "W. R. Cooper, Esq., F.A.S.,
    "Secretary to the Society of Biblical Archaeology"


    "Zoological Society's Gardens,
    "Regent's Park, London, N.W.,
    ''March 8, 1875.

    "Dear Sir,

    "In reply to your letter of this day, you have my permission to use the remarks I made upon the subject of the dogs in any way you may think proper. I am glad to hear of the 'Dog of the White Antelope.' Last year I was in Hamburgh on the arrival of a large collection of living animals from Africa, in which collection were many Gazelles and other Antelopes, together with 16 or more Giraffes. With this large lot were many attendants, who brought with them two of the dogs used for the capture of the Gazelles and other of the Antelope; these dogs are in form like the one figured on your paper.

    "Yours faithfully,
    "A. D. BARTLETT."
    "W. R. Cooper, Esq., F.R.A.S."


1 Hoskins, Ethiopia.

2 Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, MR. xviii.

3 The Egyptians p. 82.

4 Monumenti Civili, xiii, 5.

5 For the account in the Papyrus, see Birch, Revue Archeologique, 1859, p. 257 and foll. Maspero, Une Enquete Judiciare a Thebes, 4to. Paris, 1872.

6 Mon. Civ., xvii, 10.

7 The Egyptians, 8vo. Lond., 1857, p. 82.

8 Lepsius, Denkm., ii, 96, 107.

9 Sharpe, Egypt. Insript., p1. 87.

10 Lepsius, Denkm., Abth. II, Bl. 9.

11 Ibid., Bl. 46.

12 Ibid., Bl. 50-52, 77, 78.

13 Duemichen, die Resullate, fo. 1869, Taf. viii.

14 Monumenti Storici, xvi. 5.

15 Rosellini, Mon. Civ., xvi, 3.

16 Societe d'Acclimatisation, 2c Pories, tom. VII, 1870, p. 100.

17 The word [glyphs] amongst other significations has that of 'pied.'

18 Youatt, The Dog, 8vo. Lond. 1875, p. 56.

19 Rosellini, Mon. Civ., xvii, 6

20 Ibid, xvii, 2.

21 Ibid, xviii, 2.

22  Rosellini, Mon. Civ., xvii, 7.

23 Ibid. xiii, 4.

24 Ibid, xvi, 6.

25 Lepsius, Denkm., Abth, II, Bl. 131-131.

26 Youatt, p. 100.

27 Rosellini, Mon. Civ., xvii. 3.

28 Lepsius, Denkm., Abth II, BJ. 107.

29 Mai, Classic. Veter. 8vo. Romæ, t. viii, 1835, p. 200.

30 Youatt, p. 28.

31 Brugsch, Worterb. s. 96.

32 Ibid., s. 268.

33 Ibid. s. 539.

34 Papyrus. Brit. Mus. No. 9,900, in the passage Lepsius, Todtenbuth, c. 1 7, line 65.

35 Brugsch, Mon. d'Egypte, ii, Taf. lxvi, 4.

36 This passage is Select Papyri, pl. xciii, 1. 12, to xciv, 1. 5. I have followed Mr. Godwin's translation, Cambridge Essays, 8vo. 1858, p. 25, but many passages are doubtful and obscure; for example, in the Harris Papyrus, ji. xli, 6, 1. 4, [glyphs] sabaru is applied to some part of grapes.

37 Harris Papyrus, 500, 1. 4.

38 Ibid. 1. 10.

39 Prosper Alpinus, Hist. Egypt. Nat. 4to. Lugd. Bat. 1735, p. 230.

40 Maspero, Une Enquete Judiciare a Thebes, 4to. Paris, 1872, pp. 13-14. There is some difficulty in this passage as to what was 'damaged' and what was 'intact,' apparently only the abu forecourt of the sepulchre, the tomb being uninjured. Originally I translated tasem "cat," misled by the animal, Sharpe, Egypt. Inscr. 87, 108.

41 Rosellini, Mon. Civ., xvi, 3.

42 Ibid, xvi, 7.

43 Ibid, xvi, 5.

44 Sharpe, Egypt. Inscr., 87.

45 Ibid. 108.

46 Lepsius, Denkm., ii, 52.

47 Ibid, ii, 36.

48 Ibid. 47.

49 Lepsius, Denkm., Abth. II, 3.

50 Revue Archeologique, vol. vi, 1819, p. 557, et seq.

51 Konigsbuch, Taf. xi.

52 Burton. Excerpta Hieroglyphica; Prisse, Monumens, Pl. I.

53 Bunsen's Egypt's Place, vol. i, 1867, pp. 52-57.

54 Now in the British Museum, No. 520.

55 Zeitschrift fur Agyptische Sprache, 1869, s. 49.

56 Prisse, Monumens.

57 Zeitschrift fur Agyptische Sprache, 1874, p. 113.

58 Sharpe, Egypt. Inscr. pl. 78, 1. 5.

59 Cf. Brugsch, Worterb. 11.

60 Brugsch, Worterb. 658, 27.

61 Lepsius, Denkm., Abf. II, Bl. 100, 6; Brugsch, Worterb. 706.

62 Tablet, Egypt. Gall. Brit. Mus. 159.

63 Pap. Barker, Brit. Mus.; Lepsius, Todt. c. 1, 1. 3; Brugsch, Worterb. 116.