By A. H. Sayce.
Read 2nd November, 1880.

[Extracted from TSBA 7 (1882): 294-308.]

When I expressed my conviction at the last meeting of this Society that the Hittite hieroglyphics would yet be read, I had little idea that I was about to fall across what will, I hope, prove the Rosetta Stone of Hittite decipherment. Before a month was over I found myself on the track of that much-desired object—a bilingual inscription. In an article on the cuneiform inscriptions of Van in the "Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft," xxvi, 3, 4 (1872), the late Dr. A. D. Mordtmann described a round silver plate,1 in form like half an orange, which must have served as the knob of a staff or dagger. Round the rim of this plate or boss runs a cuneiform inscription, the characters of which Dr. Mordtmann ascribed to the syllabary in use at Van. When I first read his description of the plate eight years ago, my attention had not been called to the subject of Hittite writing; indeed, it was not yet known that the Hittites had a peculiar system of writing at all, and the account had since faded out of my memory. During the past year, however, I have been subjecting the Vannic inscriptions to a close examination, one of the results of which has been the compilation of a grammar of the language in which they are written, and the determination of the greater part of their [p.295] vocabulary. Another result has been the re-perusal of Dr. Mordtmann's description of the silver boss, and the discovery of its real character and value.

The boss, he tells us, was at the time he saw it in the possession of M. Alexander Jovanoff, the numismatist of Constantinople, who had obtained it at Smyrna. It was 16 "English lines" in diameter, 4 "lines" in height, and very thin. The outer surface was divided into two fields, the inner and larger of which had the figure of a warrior standing erect in the middle, holding a spear in the left hand, and pressing the right against his breast. He was clothed in a tunic, over which a fringed cloak was thrown; a close-fitting cap was on his head, boots with turned-up ends on the feet, a dirk or dagger fastened in the belt, and the legs bare. On each side of the figure was a series of "symbols," the series on each side being the same, except that on the right side the upper "symbols" were smaller, and the lower "symbols" larger than the corresponding ones on the left side. "Above," Dr. Mordtmann continued, "on both sides of the head of the figure is a goat's head; beneath it comes a symbol difficult to determine—perhaps it is a pudendum muliebre. Below again are four vertical lines and one horizontal line, which I conjecture must represent grains of wheat; next, between the shoulder and the spear, we have a sort of obelisk, and on the other side of the spear two smaller obelisks; then, lastly, comes a palm-branch." He subsequently explains that the obelisks are a close copy of the curious shafts of rock which rise from the ground in the volcanic district west of Caesarea, in Kappadokia.

The statement that the plate was of silver, the favourite Hittite metal, at once arrested my attention. As I read on it became clear that it really was a work of Hittite art which was being described. The dress, the posture, and the characteristic art of the central figure were all what we now know to be Hittite. The warrior both in form and in costume resembled the sculptured figures of Eyuk and Boghaz Keui, of Ghiaur Kalessi and Karabel, to which may now be added Carchemish also, Mr. Boscawen having copied there a broken slab, on which are the lower parts of two [p.296] warriors exactly similar to those represented at Karabel. But what was of more importance, Dr. Mordtmann's "symbols" I saw at once to be Hittite characters. The first two of them occupied the same place as the characters attached to the pseudo-Sesostris at Karabel, and the animal's head, the four vertical lines, and the obelisks had all been made familiar to me by the inscriptions of Carchemish. The fact was clear: the boss contained a twice-repeated Hittite legend, the translation of which was given by the cuneiform characters which ran round the rim, and occupied the outer of the two fields into which the plate was divided.

The first thing necessary was to obtain a copy of this precious object. But this was not easy. Dr. Mordtmann stated that he had published a facsimile and an account of it in 1862 in the "Numismatic Journal which appears in Hanover." I at once commenced a hunt for the Journal in the Bodleian Library, but in vain. No such periodical existed, and it was not until I had wasted several mornings in the search that Dr. Neubauer and myself at last discovered that what Dr. Mordtmann meant was not a Journal at all, but the "Munzstudien" (iii, 7, 8, 9), published at Leipzig, not Hanover, in 1863. not 1862. In this he had given a copy of the boss (Pl. iii, 1), together with an account of it (pp. 121-132), which is more correct in several respects than his later description in the Z. D. M. G. The copy proved that I was right in seeing Hittite characters in Dr. Mordtmann's "symbols."

I could not, however, be sure that the copy was perfectly accurate. My examination of the Vannic inscriptions had taught me that Dr. Mordtmann's copies of cuneiform characters were not always to be trusted, and some of the forms of the cuneiform characters given in his copy of the silver boss were unusual. In a letter to the "Academy" (21st August), therefore, I asked if any of its readers knew of the present whereabouts of the original. A reply soon came from Mr. Barclay V. Head. He told me that, though the original was unknown to him, an electrotype facsimile of it existed in the British Museum, for which it had been made by Mr. Ready twenty years ago. The original had at that time been [p.297] offered to the Museum, but refused, suspicions being entertained of its genuineness. Mr. Head also sent me a wax cast of the electrotype, which agreed in every particular with Dr. Mordtmann's copy. But even now I felt doubtful whether I had an exact copy of the original plate. Mr. Ready had forgotten the circumstances under which the electrotype was made, and I fancied that it might have been a cast manufactured at Constantinople, and not the silver boss itself, which had been forwarded to the Museum. All doubts, however, were removed by M. Fr. Lenormant, who told me that he had himself seen the original at Constantinople some twenty years ago, and had there made a cast of it, which he kindly sent to me. M. Lenormant's cast and Mr. Ready's electrotype agree in every particular, and we may now therefore consider that we possess a copy of the boss, which is for the purposes of science as good as the original itself.

Once satisfied of the correctness of the copy, we have little difficulty in reading the cuneiform legend. This runs:—

D.P.    Tar-  rik-    tim-  me   sar mat   Er-  me-  e
Tarrik-timme king of the country of Erme.

The forms of the characters refer us to the age of Sargon, The last character has the archaising form found, for instance, on the stele of that monarch discovered in Kypros, the ideograph used to denote "king" belongs to the same period, and the third character (which ought to be ) has been slightly changed in form, either through the unskilfulness of the engraver, or out of that affectation of antiquity and love of variety which caused the cuneiform characters in the so-called hieratic writing of Nineveh to be modified at the pleasure of the scribe. The age of Sargon would agree well with historical probabilities. It was in his time that Assyrian culture first gained a permanent footing in the west, while the overthrow of Carchemish and the last relics of Hittite power in B.C. 717 would naturally lead to the disuse of the Hittite mode of writing and the spread of the cuneiform characters employed by the Assyrian conquerors.


At this period, and at this period only, can we expect to find the two systems of writing used side by side. It must be remembered, too, that Kypros and Kilikia were in close connection with each other, and that it is on the Kyprian stele of Sargon that the peculiar form of the last character found on the boss recurs, while the owner of the boss was probably a Kilikian prince. His name is aptly compared by Dr. Mordtmann with that of the Kilikian king Ταρκονδίμοτος and his son of the same name, mentioned by Dio Cassius and Tacitus as living in the time of Augustus. The name, which is also found on corns, is made Ταρκόνδημος by Plutarch ("in Anton.," 61), and a Tarkodimatos, bishop of Ægae, in Kilikia, is found in Theodoret (" Hist. Eccles.," p. 539). Tarkondemos would exactly represent the Tarrik-timme of the inscription. As I stated in my paper on "The Monuments of the Hittites," Tarkon or Tarku is probably identical with the first element in the names of Tarkhu-lara and Tarkliu-nazi, kings of the Gamgumai and of Mehtene in the eighth century B.C. The nasal of the Greek form of the name probably means only that the dental following it was pronounced hard.

The localisation of the country over which Tarkondemos ruled is a matter of greater difficulty. It is tempting to identify it with the land of Urume mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions, since Tiglath-Pileser I (B.C. 1130) says2 that in his time "4,000 Kaskayans or Kolkhians and Urumayans,3 as soldiers of the Hittites," garrisoned the conquered country of Subarti or Semitic Aram, which had previously been subject to "Assur." However, the inscription of Assur-natsirpal (W.A.I. I. 20, 13) shows that Urume lay to the south-west of Lake Van, and therefore too far to the east for a king who bears a distinctively Kilikian name. It may be the Urme of the Vannic inscriptions (Schulz, xii, 2'2), which Mordtmann identifies with the modern Uinimiyeh. Moreover, had Urome been the country named on the boss, we should have expected ur, and not er. The



[p.299] same objection lies against identifying the kingdom of Tarkondemos with Urima, the modern Urum, on the Euphrates, north of Carchemish. I would therefore place it in the neighbourhood of the Kilikian range of mountains called Arima by the classical geographers. It is here that Kalhsthencs placed the semi-mythical Arimi of Homer (Strab., xiii, 4, 6), near the River Kalykadnos and the Cave of Korykos.

It is now time to analyse the twice-repeated Hittite transcript of the cuneiform legend. It is clear that the scribe or engraver first wrote the characters on the right side, then those on the left, since the Hittite characters always read in the direction in which the animal heads look, and in this particular inscription the animal's head at the commencement looks towards the right. A comparison of the characters with those accompanying the figure of the pseudo-Sesostris at Karabel shows that he must have begun with the two upper ones—between the spear and the shoulder of the central figure; next he must have made the obelisk-like character between the spear and the lower part of the figure; and then, in accordance with the houstrophedon manner of writing which distinguishes all the known Hittite inscriptions, have recommenced outside the spear from the bottom of the boss, working upwards from below. Consequently, the "four vertical lines," as Mordtmann called them, will be the last character in the legend. We should further expect that the royal name would be included in the space between the spear and shoulder, where the characters come, as it were, out of the mouth of the figure, while the character enclosed between the legs and the lower part of the spear would denote the kingly title. In this case, what Mordtmann termed an obelisk would be the ideograph for "king," the double obelisk signifying "country."

Now, a study of the Carchemish inscriptions had already led me to the same conclusion. In these inscriptions (J. II, 1, 1,) we find the double obelisk in a position which made me fancy that it denoted a country, while it seems [p.300] to interchange with a triple obelisk 4 the form of which exactly resembles that of the primitive hieroglyphic from which the ideograph of "country" and "mountain" () was derived in the cuneiform system of writing. Dr. Mordtmann's comparison of it with the peculiar shape assumed by the rocks in the neighbourhood of Caesarea confirms this identification, and suggests the possibility that Kappadokia was the locality in which the Hittite hieroglyphics were originally invented. However this may be, the double obelisk, wherever it occurred, was, I found, preceded by what looked like a single obelisk, which if the double obelisk meant "country" must signify "king." The boss of Tarkondemos confirms both conclusions, and the matter is raised above doubt by the further fact that the ideograph of "king" really represents the royal head-dress. We have only to compare its form on the boss and in the Carchemish inscriptions with the head-dress of the chief figures at Boghaz Keui,5 to perceive at once that this is the case. Just as the rocky district of the north, from which the Hittites had come, suggested to them their ideograph of country, so the pointed cap worn by their kings suggested to them the mode of representing the royal title.

Further confirmation of this identification is afforded by the inscriptions of Hamath. Here the published copies had given the picture of a palm branch, where a comparison with the monuments of Carchemish would have led us to expect the royal cap. Before the discovery of the Carchemish inscriptions, the position of this palm branch had more than once induced me to believe that it must denote the idea of "king," but I could not in any way associate this idea with the object supposed to be depicted by the hieroglyph. A careful examination, however, of the casts of the Hamath inscriptions has shown Mr. Rylands that the hieroglyph in question is not the picture of a palm branch at all, but probably a reproduction of the royal cap as represented at Boghaz Keul. At Hamath therefore, as well as at Carchemish and in Kilikia, the idea of "king" was represented in the same way.


Now that we have identified the Hittite representatives of "king" and "country," there is little difficulty in determining the two groups of characters between which they come. The two hieroglyphs which precede the ideograph of "king" must contain the royal name read from top to bottom; the two which follow the ideograph of "country," that of the territory of Tarkondemos, read from bottom to top. Consequently, is tarhu or tarrik, timme, er, and or me. The last character, without the little side-stroke, is of frequent occurrence in the Hittite inscriptions, and we find the side stroke itself added to characters in several cases where the end of a sentence or paragraph seems to be noted (see J. I, Col. A, 4, Col. C, 1, D 2; J. II, 3, 4; H. i, 1, 2, ii, 2, 1, 2, iii, 2, iv, 1, 2, v, 3, 4; and "Karabel,"1). Since (also written ) is attached as a phonetic complement to the ideograph which I have conjectured to mean "he says," the third person singular of the verb which bore this signification would have ended in -me.

The first character in the name of Tarkondemos is called a goat's head by Dr. Mordtmann in the "Journal of the German Oriental Society," but I think he was more correct in his article in the "Munzstudien," where he terms it a "horse's head." At all events, I can see no semblance of a goat's horn in it, and the eye and nose are those of a horse rather than of a goat, while the little semicircle which has been assumed to be a beard is more probably an indication of the neck, which is indicated in a similar way in one of the animal heads on the Carchemish monuments (see J. II). The Rev. B. H. Cooper, however, reminds us that the valley of the Kalykadnos was famous for its breed of goats. The inscription shows us that, as in the cuneiform inscriptions of ancient Babylonia, the name of an individual was not marked by any determinative. We cannot therefore expect to find such a determinative either in the monumental inscriptions or in the seal impressions found at Kouyunjik. These seal impressions, I may observe, do not appear to have belonged to royal personages, since the ideograph of "king" does not [p.302] occur on them, but to Hittite merchants, who traded in Nineveh. The same is the case with the Phoenician seal impressions found a king with them.6 One of the seal impressions contains the character me; another has , which I fancy must be the of Hamath, or of Carchemish, the of our Kilikian boss, Mr. Rylands believes that the sign represents the bent leg and foot of a doe, or wild goat.7

Armed with the key afforded us by the bilingual inscription of Tarkondemos, we can now attack the Hittite inscriptions with a fair chance of success. The first result obtained from the determination of the two important characters for "king" and "country" is that the two long inscriptions from Carchemish both belong to the same monarch, whose name is written ; that the first six characters of the other inscription from Carchemish contain the name of another sovereign; that a royal name is hidden among the characters attached to the pseudo-Sesostris; and that royal names also occur in the inscriptions from Hamath. With the help of the Assyrian records we ought in time to be able to make them out.

By the side of the royal cap () the Phrygian cap () is also met with in the inscriptions used as an ideograph. It seems to have the same meaning of "king" or "lord," though the one hieroglyph may have denoted a "rex" (Assyr., sarru; Heb., melech), the other a "regulus" (Assyr., malicu; Heb., sar). In Mr. Boscawen's copy of the Aleppo inscription occurs three times where we should have expected and in one case we have which seems to mean "king of kings." If so, will be the ideograph of plurality. The single crescent () is used in the Hamath inscriptions [p.303] before the ideograph of "king" in such a way as to make me suspect that it here denotes the name of an individual.8

A character, which I believe to signify "above," is sometimes associated with the royal cap. This has the shape of a basket handle (); but Mr. Boscawen has pointed out to me that it represents the eyebrow on one of the figures at Boghaz Keui. To this day the Georgian women paint their eyebrows black in such a manner as to draw a continuous line or bar from one side of the forehead to the other. This black bar would have exactly the appearance of the character now under notice.

Mr. Rylands has been the first to observe that the peculiar shape given to the picture of the arm in the inscriptions is similar to the hand and arm of a figure in the sculptures at Boghaz Keui; it is plainly due to the fact that the picture is really one of a long-sleeved glove which had a thumb but no fingers. The use of gloves, like that of boots, is one more proof of the northern origin of the Hittites, who must have descended from the mountains of Armenia and Kappadokia at an early date. After establishing themselves at Carchemish, they subdued the Semitic population, and planted themselves in Kadesh on the Orontes, and even in Hamath—one branch of them settling west of the Afun, where they were known to the Assyrians as the Patinai, and another branch penetrating as far as the southern part of Palestine. We have only to glance at the costume and arms of the natives of Van as depicted on the Balawat bronzes to see that they were cousins of the Hittites, and the striking resemblance between the helmets worn by the latter and those of the early Greeks probably results from the fact that the Greek helmet was really of Hittite origin. Herodotus (I, 171) expressly states that the Greeks had borrowed their helmets as well as the "emblems" on their shields from the Karians, and the Karians, as we now know, were once subject to Hittite influence. I am tempted to see in the emblems or symbols on the shields [p.304] a reminiscence of the Hittite hieroglyphics. The Egyptian text of the treaty between Ramses II and the Hittites states that a silver plate was attached to the Hittite copy, in the centre of which was a figure of the god Sutekh, like the figure of the warrior in the centre of the boss of Tarkondemos, round which ran the Hittite inscription: "This is the (figure) of the god Sutekh, the king of heaven and (earth)."9 Such a device might well have suggested the ornamentation of the shield. As for the helmet, it was disused by the Hittites under the burning sun of the south. In their wars with the Egyptians they contented themselves with a close-fitting cap like that worn by the figure on the Kilikian boss.

A tradition of the Hittite conquest of Asia Minor may be preserved in the statement of Eusebius ("Chron.," post, p. 303 ed. Mai), that Sardes was captured for the first time by the Kimmerians in B.C. 1078, as well as in the statement of Strabo (I, 3, 16), that Lygdamis with a horde of Kimmerians made his way to Lydia and conquered Sardes, though he himself remained in Kilikia, where he lost his life. Now we know both from the Assyrian inscriptions and from Herodotus that the Kimmerians did not appear upon the stage of history till the seventh century B.C., when they were driven by the Skyths from their old seats on the Sea of Azof, and, after passing through the country which was once the home of the Hittites, were defeated by Esarhaddon in Khubuscia, on the northern frontier of Assyria, and driven westward. A Lydian historian might well have confounded the early Hittite invaders with the Kimmerians, who came in later days from the same regions.

However this may be, I believe I have found notices of the Hittites, or at all events of a tribe with a similar name, in the Vannic inscriptions. In these the Vannic kings Menuas and Argistis speak of a people called Khatima or Khati [p.305] against whom they made campaigns. As -ma is a Vannic suffix, I am uncertain whether the name is Khati or Khatima. If the former, it is the same as the Assyrian Khatti, the Egyptian Kheta; if the latter, we may compare the name of the Skythini, a tribe met with by Xenophon ("Anab.," IV, 7) on the northern frontiers of the Khalybes.10 Menuas (Schulz, xxxix, 6-9) states that he successfully attacked the territory of Sadahada, the ruler of Khatima, partly slaying and partly capturing 2,113 soldiers of Khatima and Alzu. Alzu is mentioned by Tiglath-Pileser I in conjunction with Purukhumzu as close to the Hittite frontier (W.A.I. I, 10, 90, sq.). At Palu (Layard's "Inscriptions," 74, 11,) Menuas again mentions "the land of Khatima," and Argistis (Schulz, iii, 12, 15) tells us that during his campaign in Khatima he overran the land of Niribai, the Nirbi perhaps of the Assyrian inscriptions, and plundered the city of Medatea,11 which belonged to "the son of Parate."

The frequent employment of ideographs in these cuneiform inscriptions of Van, and the manner in which they are used, make me believe that the natives of the country had been acquainted with the Hittite hieroglyphics, or at least with hieroglyphics closely allied to them, before they borrowed the Assyrian syllabary in the eighth century B.C. I look forward therefore to the future discovery of Hittite inscriptions in this part of the world. It seems only necessary to direct attention to a subject for proofs and examples to be found. During the past summer Colonel Wilson has discovered two new Hittite inscriptions on a rock at Ghurun, where the Euphrates issues out of a ravine six feet wide into a small plain. Ghurun lies within the frontiers of the ancient Kappadokia or Armenia Minor, and on the Tokhma Su, which joins the main stream of the Euphrates near Malatiyeh. The Hittite road from Malatiyeh to Boghaz Keui would therefore have passed through it. According to Colonel [p.306] Wilson, the gorge through which the river flows is so narrow, that he could touch both sides of it at once with his out-stretched arms. On the right hand side the lofty rocks open out almost at right angles to the stream, and then curving round, continue parallel to it. On the left bank the cliff is much closer to the river. One of the inscriptions is high up on the rock on the right hand bank, and not far from the point where the line of cliff leaves the stream. The other is on an isolated block of stone, which lies on the ground in front of the cliff, and has fallen probably from above. Only one character in this inscription is legible, though there are traces of several lines now worn away. As the inscription continues down to the ground, Colonel Wilson thought that another portion of it may exist on the buried under surface of the stone. But he had no time to verify this conjecture, or to copy the other inscriptions on the face of the cliff. One of his subordinate officers has discovered rock-sculptures of great extent, and probably of Hittite origin, in the mountains inland from Alexandretta. Hittite remains have also been found by Mr. Boscawen in the pass south of Merash, showing that the road from Carchemish to the Halys passed this way, and he has traced the high road from Carchemish to the Bay of Antioch as far west as Tel-Erfad, the ancient Arpad, where there is a large mound covering the remains of the ancient city. The road must have continued in a south-west direction, since the sculptures noticed by Colonel Chesney, as described in my last Paper, a little outside the southern walls of Antioch, are clearly of Hittite origin. Another road ran round the northern head of the Bay into Kilikia. Here it bifurcated, one road leading northward by Tarsos, where the so-called tomb of Sardanapalos may be of Hittite workmanship, and the other running westward along the sea-coast. Mr. Boscawen has drawn my attention to a drawing given in Victor Langlois' "Voyage dans le Cilicie et dans les Montagues du Taurus" (1861), p. 181, which represents the broken lintel-stone of a gate on the road between Lamas and Kannidelh (see also p. 228). There are some characters sculptured on this lintel-stone which are plainly Hittite, one of them being the character which we [p.307] now know to denote "country." On page 207 M. Langlois mentions what is evidently the figure of a Hittite warrior carved on a rock-tomb in the necropolis of Korykos.

The footsteps of the Hittites may be traced by the presence of their favourite metal silver. It is in the near neighbourhood of silver mines that some of their chief memorials are found, and their occupation of Asia Minor may have been to a certain extent due to their search for the precious metal. Wherever there are old silver mines in Asia Minor we may expect to meet with traces of them. One or two of the old mines which were probably worked by them I discovered last year in the Gumush Dagh or "Silver Mountains," on the north side of the Masandrian plain. If they had really been worked by the Hittites we should be at no loss to understand how Hittite helmets and shields made their way into Karia. Brugsch Bey's last discovery in Egyptian geography has been that the name of the country in alliance with the Hittites hitherto read Iluna and identified with Ilion is really Manna or Masonia, the ancient name of Lydia. At the time therefore that the Hittites were carrying on their wars with the Egyptians, their satraps were residing at Sardes, and sending the gold of Lydia and the silver of Karia to the rulers of Carchemish and Kadesh. This must be the date to which we should assign the sculptures of Karabel.

Before concluding what must be regarded as an appendix to the Paper read before this Society last July,12 I must say a word or two about the Hittite system of writing itself. Pliny tells us in a well-known passage (N. H., vii, 57): "Litteras semper arbitror Assyrias fuisse; sed alii apud Egyptios a Mercuric, ut Gellius; alii apud Syros repertas volunt." We now know that the advocates of both the Assyrian and the Egyptian invention of writing were right: in both countries systems of writing, which, with all deference to the high authority of Professor Lepsius, I must consider as independent from their first origin, existed from time immemorial. The probability therefore arises that the advocates of the Syrian invention of writing also had truth on [p.308] their side. The "Syrians" can hardly be the Phoenicians, as is generally supposed; since where Pliny elsewhere speaks of the invention of letters he mentions the Phoenicians under their proper name. I am accordingly inclined to see in them the Hittites, confused with the Arameans they had conquered, as we know them to have been by Strabo and other classical authors. In this case the passage of Pliny would be a record of the three independent modes of writing which the East invented, and would contain a half-forgotten tradition of that strange system of hieroglyphics from which in all probability the syllabary of Asia Minor and Kypros was derived.


1 It must not be forgotten that the original silver boss is concave, the figure and hieroglyphics being incised; hence they are reversed. In the description by Professor Sayce and others is followed the conical impression of the silver matrix, in which the characters, &c., are necessarily raised. For the discussion on this Paper see "Proceedings," vol. xviii, 2nd Nov., 1881.—W. H. R.

2 W.A.I. I, 10, 11. 100 sq.

3 I hare miscalled them Urutasians in my former Paper.

4 George Smith's copy of black basalt figure, line 2.

5 See Texier, Plate 78.

6 The name which occurs on the Phoenician seal impressions is (Akar-ezer), not Attar-asar, as it has been read.

7 On one of the seals we find which also occurs in the Carchemish inscriptions. It may be a picture of the girdle of the priestess of the Asiatic goddess which is thus represented in a sculpture at Carchemish, copied by Mr. Boscawen.

8 It is similarly used in the Carchemish inscriptions (J. I, Col. D, 1, 5, Col. II, 3, 4). In George Smith's copy of the black basalt figure (J. Ill), line 3, it is followed by the picture of a man, and that again by the ideograph of "king."

9 In his notes to the forthcoming new edition of the English translation of his "History of Egypt," Brugsch Bey states that a more correct rendering of the Egyptian text would be: "That which is found in the middle of this silver tablet, and on the front side of it, represents the image of the god Sutekh embracing the image of the great king of the land of Khita, and surrounded by an inscription as follows:—'This is the image of the god Sutekh, king of heaven, protector of this agreement.'"

10 The name of Khalclsei given to the Khalybes by the Greeks seems to be derived from their worship of Khaldi, the supreme god of the people of Van and the neighbouring tribes.

11 We should probably read Melitea or Malatiyeh. The copyists of the Vannic inscriptions have invariably confused together the two characters da and li.

12 Present Volume, p. 249, &c.