By A. H. Sayce

Read 6th July, 1880

[Extracted from Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, vol. 7 (1882), pp. 248-93.]

[See accompanying map.]

Four years ago, in a paper published in the fifth volume of the Transactions of this Society (Part 1, 1876), I threw out a number of suggestions in regard to the mysterious inscriptions then known as Hamathite. Among these suggestions was one which I have since learned had been independently started by the Rev. William Wright, and which was confirmed almost immediately afterwards by the discovery of the site of Carchemish, the capital of the ancient Hittites, by Messrs. Skene and George Smith. It was to the effect that the so-called Hamathite inscriptions ought rather to be termed Hittite, that the hieroglyphics in which they were written were of Hittite invention, and that the existence of these inscriptions and hieroglyphics at Hamath indicated an early connection between this city and the Hittite people. Since the publication of my paper, proofs of the suggestion have been abundantly multiplied, and we may now consider the Hittite origin of the peculiar system of writing first noticed by modern travellers on the site of Hamath, to be among the ascertained facts of science. Henceforward, therefore, in speaking of it we must substitute Hittite for Hamathite.

At the time my paper was written, the only inscribed Hittite monuments with which we were acquainted were (1) five short inscriptions from Hamah (the ancient Hamath), three of which were almost identical; (2) eight clay impressions of seals found by Sir A. H. Layard in Sennacherib's palace, four of which were made by the same die; (3) a half-obliterated inscription from Aleppo, consisting of two short lines; and (4) an inscription copied first by Major Fischer in 1838, and subsequently by Mr. Davis, at Ibreez or Ivris, in the ancient Lykaonia. and published in the Transactions of [p.249] this Society,1 in which, however, only a character here and there could be recognized. With such scanty and uncertain materials, it was impossible to do more than make a few guesses. We are better off now. Mr. Smith found on the site of Carchemish a broken statue, on the back of which was the latter portion of a Hittite inscription in five lines.2 Since then excavations have been conducted on the same spot by Mr. Consul Henderson, and the first fruits of them reached the British Museum last summer in the shape of two monuments, both inscribed with Hittite characters, and one of them adorned with the mutilated sculpture of a human figure.3 Meanwhile I had made an important discovery. Texier, Hamilton, Perrot, and other travellers, had come across certain remarkable sculptures in different parts of Asia Minor, which bore some resemblance to Egyptian art on the one side, and still more to Assyrian art on the other, but yet had a very marked and peculiar character of their own. What made the matter the more interesting, was the fact that there were certain elements in early Greek art which could not be derived from a Phoenician source, but could be traced back to this peculiar art of Asia Minor. The chief monuments of the class to which I refer are found carved upon the rocks at Boghaz Keui, supposed to represent the classical Pteria, and at Eyuk, both of which are situated on the eastern bank of the Halys, and in the line of the high road from Sardes to Armenia. Besides these others are met with at Ghiaour-Kalessi in Phrygia, near Frahtin, and on the summit of one of the mountains of the Bulgar Dagh, in Lykaonia; and above all at Karabel, on the old road between Ephesus and Sardes. The remains of Hittite art and power found on the latter spot were carefully examined by myself [p.250] last autumn. They are of special importance as proving that Hittite influence and culture once penetrated as far as the shores of the Ægean. One more Hittite monument may still be mentioned: this is the bas-relief of a king, first noticed by Mr. Badger, built into the wall of the castle of Birejik. and pictured by him in his work on the "Nestorians and their Ritual" (1852), Vol. I, p. 352. It is now in the British Museum, and entitled the "Monolith of a King." (See below.)

I must first describe briefly the characteristics of the art. which we must now term Hittite. It is modelled upon the bas-reliefs of Nineveh, or rather the gems of ancient Babylonia, and like them represents human figures and other objects in relief upon stone. But it has a peculiar roundness and thickness; the limbs of the figures are short and thick, and there is little attempt made to delineate the muscles. The feet are shod with boots which have the ends turned up, the head is usually covered with the so-called Phrygian cap, and a spear is often placed in one hand. A modification of the winged solar disk of Assyria is not unusual, and at Eyuk we find a representation of a double-headed eagle, which seems the prototype of the Seljukian eagle of later days. At Eyuk also we have two sphinxes, which, though modelled on an Egyptian model, differ profoundly from the Egyptian type, while the mode in which the feet are represented reminds us of the prehistoric statue of Niobe on Blount Sipylus.4 At Boghaz Keui the female deities wear mural crowns, from which we may infer the Hittite origin of this decoration of the Ephesian Artemis. The mural crown seems to have been a specially Hittite invention. On the other hand, the general character of the sculptures at Boghaz Keui, where some of the deities for instance are represented as standing upon animals, shows its dependence not on Assyrian but on early Babylonian art.5



The most striking peculiarity of the Hittite system of writing is that the characters are always in relief. We may infer from this that the earliest Hittite inscriptions were not upon stone, but plates of metal. This inference is supported by the fact that the Hittite copy of the treaty made with Ramses II of Egypt was engraved on a plate of silver.6 According to the Egyptian monuments, this was of oblong shape, with a ring at the top for suspension, and M. Chabas has noticed that M. Renan has found monuments in the region of the Upper Lebanon where the points of attachment of metal plates may still be detected.

Our knowledge of the Hittites is almost entirely confined, at present, to what we know of them from the Egyptian and Assyrian monuments. From these we learn that from the 17th to the 12th centuries B.C. they were the leading people of Western Asia, holding the balance of power between Egypt on the one side and Assyria on the other, and that their two centres of power were Kadesh on the Orontes, and Carcheraish, now Jerabis, on the Euphrates, about 13 miles south of Birejik. The southern capital, which stood on an island, underwent more than one siege at the hands of the Egyptians; but it disappears from history after the 13th century B.C. About this period the Semitic Arameans seem to have begun to push the Hittites further and further to the north. In the time of the Assyrian Empire Carchemish was the capital of the nation, which was, however, divided into several subordinate kingdoms, until the conquest of its last king Pisiris in B.C. 717 by Sargon, who captured Carchemish with all its spoils, and made it the seat of an Assyrian satrap. The possession of Carchemish gave Assyria the command of the high-road to the West; the city became a busy centre of trade, and one of the standard weights of the empire was "the maneh of Carchemish."

The Hittite proper names preserved on the Egyptian and Assyrian monuments show that the Hittites did not speak a Semitic language.7 The Hittite sculptures further show that they did not belong to the Semitic race. Their features and [p.252] physical type are those of a northern people, and their northern origin is confirmed by their use of boots, which is at least as old as the beginning of their writing, since the boot is one of the commonest of the Hittite hieroglyphics. The boots are always represented with turned up toes, like the boots of the mountaineers of Asia Minor and Greece at the present day. Boots of the same form characterize some of the female figures on the tomb of the Harpies found at Xanthos in Lycia, as well as the Armenian inhabitants of Muzri on the Black Obelisk, and the Etruscans of Italy. Mr. Spiegelthal has seen an archaic marble base of a statue at Ephesus on which there were figures with the same kind of shoes.

The Hittites seem to have lived in a state of constant hostility to their Semitic neighbours. Tiglath-Pileser I (B.C. 1130) complains of their having overrun Subai-ti or Syria; the Canaanite who betrayed Beth-el to the Ephraimites (Judg. i, 26) fled to "the land of the Hittites," and built there a city called Luz, as though he would have been safe nowhere else after his treachery; and the Syrians at once imagined that "the kings of the Hittites" had come against them when they heard a noise of chariots and horses during their siege of Samaria (2 Kings vii, 6). Hamath, which seems to have been Hittite, at all events originally, was the natural ally of David, the conqueror of the Syrians (2 Sam. viii, 9, 10), and at a subsequent time the Assyrian inscriptions show Hamath and Judah in alliance against the common Syrian enemy. The Hittites, it may be observed, were ruled by a number of different kings in the time of Solomon (1 Kings X, 29), but "the kings of Spna" already interposed between them and the north of Palestine.

So far as it is possible to infer from proper names, the language of the Hittites belonged to the same family of speech as the languages spoken by the Patinai (between the Orontes and the bay of Antioch), the Kilikians, Kuai, Samahlai, Gamgumai, Komagenians, Moschi and Tibareni, the proto-Armenians, and other tribes who occupied the country between the Caspian and the Halys on the one side, and Mesopotamia on the other. This family of speech has been [p.253] conveniently termed Alarodian; the still undeciphered inscriptions of the proto-Armenian kings of the Minni or Van are written in a dialect that must be included in it, and it is probable that Georgian is its principal modern representative. The Hittite nominative and genitive seem sometimes to have terminated in s, like the nominative and genitive of the proto-Armenians; thus the Hittite Pisiris and Gar-gamis or Carchemish may be compared with the Vannic Argistis and Menuas, which again may be compared with Ambris or Ambaris, the name of a king of the Tibareni and Kilikia in the reign of Sargon. The second part of the name of the Hittite capital, which is written Gar-gamis in the Assyrian inscriptions, may be identical with the name of the Gamgumai or Gamgamai, a tribe of Kappadokia. At any rate, it is highly probable that Sapahl, the name of a Hittite king contemporary with Ramses I of Egypt, is the same as Sapalulve king of the Patinians on the Orontes, in the reign of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser (B.C. 858-23).

If, as I believe, the whole of the vast district to the north and north-west of Mesopotamia was inhabited by a race kindred in blood and language, it becomes a question whether the remains in Asia Minor which I have referred to as Hittite, were really the productions of the Hittites themselves or of their kinsmen further north. On the whole, I am inclined to think that they are memorials of the Hittites themselves, partly because no other people in that part of the world seems to have had either the power or the culture needful for their creation, partly because the monuments found in Lykaonia and Lydia are plainly the monuments of a successful invasion, and the Hittites were the only people in Western Asia strong enough to undertake distant conquests. Moreover, the Egyptian inscriptions furnish us with direct evidence of a close connection existing between the Hittites and the natives of the extreme west of Asia Minor in the 14th century B.C. The Hittites were assisted in their long war against Ramses II by contingents from the Dardanians of the Troad and the Masu or Mysians, with their towns of Iluna or Ihon and Pidasa or Pedasos. It is therefore possible [p.254] that Mr. Gladstone may be right in seeing in the Κητειοι of Homer (Od. xi, 521) the Hittites of Carchemish.8

The influence of the Hittites may be traced through Asia Minor by the monuments they have left behind them, of which I have already given a list. Kappadokia, then occupied by the Muskai and Tublai, the Meshek and Tubal of the Old Testament, the Moschi and Tibareni of the classical writers, was more or less under their control, as is shown by the sculptures of Boghaz Keui and Eyuk; the Assyrian inscriptions prove that they were in close alliance with Kilikia; and we may trace their progress to Sardes and the Ægean Sea along the two high roads from the East, the one (which was afterwards traversed by Kroesus when he marched against Kyrus) running from the lower Halys by Ghiaur-Kalessi, and the other, subsequently trodden by Xenophon and the Ten Thousand, passing through Lykaonia and the silver mines of the Bulgar Dagh.

The sculptures of Boghaz Keui should be studied in the drawings of Texier ("Description de l'Asie Mineure," three volumes, 1839-49), and the more accurate photographs of Perrot ("Exploration archeologique de la Bithynie et de la Galatie," 1862). Besides referring to these easily-accessible books, I need say little more of them, except that Perrot observed an inscription of ten or eleven lines carved in relief on a rock at Boghaz Keui, the photograph of which, given in Plate 35, shows that it consists of Hittite hieroglyphics. The sculptures themselves represent a series of divinities, among which are Assyrian or Babylonian winged demons with leopards' heads, and, carried by a figure, a winged solar disk, in which is the representation of a deity standing on what we may term a Hittite boot. The pattern on the dress should be noticed, as it is a pattern which is frequently reproduced on the objects found by Dr. Schliemann at Hissarhk. It may be observed that somewhat similar figures are [p.255] represented on the curious monument copied by Hamilton at Bey Sliahr, to the west of Ikonium, which may therefore be of Hittite origin.



The divinities are all given their appropriate symbols, and Hittite characters are attached to each of them, evidently expressing their names. Each group of characters begins with the same hieroglyphic which must therefore be the determinative prefix of divinity. I had observed the same symbol in the inscriptions from Haniath, occupying a position which seemed to mark it out as a determinative of some kind, but from its apparent resemblance to the Egyptian determinative of "country," I had fancied it might denote a city. The discovery of the meaning of this character is highly important, affording, as it does, a solid starting-point for ascertaining the values and meanings of the Hittite hieroglyphics. As prefixed to the names of deities, it may be expected to occur in most inscriptions, and if we can once determine the native name of the chief divinity of Carchemish, a path will be opened up for the decipherment of the inscriptions. The following are the names of the deities found in the inscriptions at present known:—9

At Boghaz Keui:—

This is the name of a goddess, who wears the mural crown.
The name of another goddess, also with a mural crown.
The name of a third goddess, with a smaller mural crown.
The name of a god, with the same cap as is worn by the figure within the solar disk, and a dress reaching to the ankles.
The name of a god, who carries a scythe in his hand, and wears a short tunic like that of the figure at Karabel.
The name of a god, who carries a club, and has a short tunic.

The name of a god, with the solar disk above the head, and a curved staff in the right hand. The deity, however, may be the goddess Kybele. I think the same name is to be found in the first line of the inscription at Ibriz, where Mr. Davis's copy has which may, however, be corrected into the name of the moon-god known as Meri throughout Asia Minor. However, as we shall see, the deity represented at Ibreez is the sun-god, the Kihkian Sandan.

The name of a god, who carries a boy under the arm, and has the double-headed eagle below. The solar disk with various symbols beneath is behind his back. In another place the same god stands upon the back of a leopard, has a crooked staff in one hand, and a double-headed axe in the other, and carries an axe in the belt. Two examples of this sign are given, the first from Perrot, Plate 45, and the second from Texier, Plate 79.
The name of another god. who stands on the heads of two priests, has a goat at the side, a club in the right hand, a crooked staff slung behind the back, and a double-headed axe in the belt. Like the preceding god he wears a short tunic. On a coin of Laodikea in Phrygia, Ζευς Ασευς is represented as holding a boy in the right hand, and extending the left to a goat placed in front of him. (Mionnet, IV, p. 313.)
The name of a god, with sword and club, in a short tunic, and standing upon a hill.
The name of a goddess, with mural crown, who stands on the back of a leopard facing the god who stands on the heads of the two priests. She is apparently the chief goddess.
The name of another goddess (Perrot, Plate 48). The rock is broken away below, so it is impossible to say whether this is complete, or was carried in the hand.
  Other figures bear in their hands the following symbols:
and  .

At Hamath:—

This name appears sometimes, thrice in the same inscription. As the last character (H. V. 2) is once instead of it must be a grammatical suffix.
This name seems to appear in two inscriptions, but only the first character is clear in one instance, H.V. line 2.
This name appears only once. H.V. line 3.
This name follows near to the first (H. Ill, 1). It occupies a similar position in the inscriptions from Aleppo and Carchemish, and may therefore be merely an epithet such as "great god." One form of the character forming it closely resembles a two-leaved gate. We are reminded that Babia, from Bab, "gate," was the Semitic translation of the name of the great goddess of Carchemish.

At Aleppo:—

The last character, which is no doubt incorrectly copied,10 does not seem to form part of the name. The two characters just discovered follow immediately. (George Smith's copy.)

At Carchemsh:—

In the inscription on the back of black basalt figure, copied by Mr. George Smith, lines 1 and 5.

This name appears twice. As it is also found in the other inscription from Carchemish, it may represent the principal deity of the city.
This name appears once. It may, however, be merely the word "god," with a grammatical suffix, the character being the same as the character at Hamath. (George Smith's copy, line 4.)

In the two inscriptions now ix the British Museum, from Carchemish:—

This name, which is the same as that in Mr. Smith's inscription, occurs twice, the bird looking like a duck in the second instance.
This name occurs once. It may be the same as one of the divine names found at Hamath. If the first character is the crescent moon it may represent the moon-god Men. f J. I.. Col. D, hue 1.)
This is the same name as that in the two previous inscriptions. The eagle, however, has the form of a duck.
This name appears once. The symbol is not unlike that which denotes the god at Boghaz Keui who carries a club. Statue inscription, J. II, line 2.

At Eyuk:—

This is the name of a goddess, but unfortunately the S^ character or characters expressing it are too badly copied to be of any use. Perrot, plate 48. The hand of the female figure is shown in the cut.


"What may have been the origin of this curious determinative prefix I was long unable to say. At Carchemish it [p.259] has the form or or as well as ; at Haniath it once appears as . At Boghaz Keui the sun-god, who on the left side of the rocky amphitheatre has the winged solar disk above the head, and supports his name in one hand, carrying a curved staff in the other, on the left side of the amphitheatre holds the symbols of his divinity in his hand, with the curious figure which seems to represent Attis11 standing on a boot between them, and the winged solar disk above, in the place usually occupied by the determinative prefix of divinity. We may therefore conclude that the prefix in question is derived from the winged solar disk, and a comparison of the forms of the two symbols as they occur on Hittite monuments will at once show that this must have really been the case. It is easy to understand how a simplified form of the winged solar disk should have come to denote divinity in general. If we only knew the native pronunciation of the chief divinity or divinities of Carchemish, the determination of this single character would give us a clue to the decipherment of the inscriptions. Unfortunately this is far from being the case.

It is, however, possible that the name under which the Asiatic goddess, termed Istar by the Assyrians, Ashtoreth by the Phoenicians, Kybele or Kybele or Omphale by the nations of Western Asia Minor, was known to the Hittites of Carchemish was Athe. Philo Byblius, according to Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v. [Greek]), states that the Syrians used the word [Greek] or [Greek] to denote "god,"12 and since this word cannot well be explained from a Semitic source, it may have belonged to the lost Hittite language. Now the name עתה or עתי is actually found in the inscriptions of Palmyra as the name of a divinity; and, what is more, on the coins of Hierapolis or Bambyke (now Membij), which supplanted Carchemish both in name and actual existence, the simple עתי represents the same divinity as the compound עתרעתה. The latter, however, is the well known Atargatis or Derketo [p.260] of classical writers, by which name the Asiatic goddess was frequently known to them, and it is the figure of this goddess that accompanies the legend עתי on the coins of Hierapolis already mentioned. The Apology of Mehto states that Ati was the goddess of Abiabene, east of the Tigris, and [Greek], the Greek equivalent of עתי, is made a deified queen by Antipater of Tarsus.13 Atargatis, that is, 'Atar-'Ati, may be represented by the goddess "Antarata14 of the Hittites," mentioned in the treaty concluded between the Hittites and Ramses II. Besides Atargatis, another deity, whose name is compounded with that of Ati, appears on the coins of Hierapolis. This is Yacun-'Atah, the first element of which certainly has a Semitic sound.15

Now if we turn to the extreme north-western corner of Asia Minor, to that very district from which the Hittites received help in their wars with Egypt, we shall find, as Keller has pointed out,16 the worship of a goddess Ate. According to Apollodorus,17 Lykophron,18 Eustathius,19 Hesychius, and Stephanus Byzantinus, Ilion had been founded by Ilus, on the hill of the Phrygian goddess Ate, where a dappled cow had lain down. The palladium which was preserved in Troy was the meteoric stone which symbolized Ate, like the stone "which fell down from heaven" at Ephesus. This goddess Ate is represented on a coin as wearing a Phrygian cap, and her identification with the Greek Athena was merely due to the similarity of name. It is possible that Ate was the female deity answering to the sun-god Atys or Attis, whose cult prevailed throughout the greater part of Asia Minor. However this may be, it is curious to find a goddess with a name so closely resembling that of the goddess of [p.261] Hierapolis, in the country which the monument of Ghiaour-Kalessi, as well as the Egyptian annals, show to have been in contact with the Hittites, while there is some probability that the languages of Carchemish and Mysia were related.

It is, therefore, possible that the name of the chief divinity worshipped at Carchemish, from whose cult the city afterwards derived its Greek title of Hierapolis, was Ati or Ate. In this case the name may be represented by the two characters composing the name of the divinity which makes its appearance in each of the Carchemish inscriptions. It is also possible that the word simply signified "deity," as Philo Byblius avers, and that it is only such names as Atar and Yacun which we can expect to find in the characters following the determinative prefix.

I must now return to the sculptures of Boghaz Keui, which have enabled us to determine the value of the one Hittite character we at present know. These sculptures are characteristic specimens of Hittite art, and would alone prove its derivation from the art of Babylonia. I say Babylonia and not Assyria, since it is with the engraved gems of Babylonia, rather than with the monuments of Assyria, that it claims direct relationship. Thus the animals upon which the divinities are made to ride, or the hills on which they stand, are copied from the cylinders of Babylonia, not from the bas-reliefs of Nineveh.20 This is important as showing that Hittite culture originated in what may be termed the Babylonian period, before the rise of Assyria in the 14th century B.C. It is in harmony with the fact that already in the astrological tablets of Sargon of Agane, in the 19th century B.C., the Hittites are regarded as a formidable power. It is true that in passing to the Hittites, Babylonian art underwent considerable modification; but this only proves the strong originality of the people who left so visible an impress of themselves upon what they had in the first instance borrowed from others. The mural crowns, for example, worn by the god- [p.262] desses at Boghaz Keui, are a Hittite invention, and must have been handed on by them to the nations of the far west. The origin of the mural crown of the Ephesian Artemis, the Asiatic goddess, has thus been discovered.

The remains at Eyuk are quite as remarkable as those at Boghaz Keui. Here also the Hittites or the Moschians, who, as we learn from the Assyrian inscriptions, once lived in the neighbourhood, have left behind them the remains of a palace built after the model of an Assyrian one. Full details of the palace, and the sculptures still to be seen on its walls, are given by Van Lennep, and above all by Perrot, to whose works, as well as to Murray's "Handbook to Turkey in Asia," I would refer those who are interested in the subject. I need only say that the most striking portion of the ruins consists of the gateway formed by two blocks of black granite, together with a wall which runs at right angles to one of them on the left or western side. The outer faces of the gate-posts are carved into the likeness of the heads and feet of sphinxes, but the sphinxes, though doubtless inspired by the art of Egypt, are profoundly different from those of the valley of the Nile, and show the extent to which Egyptian art had been modified at Carchemish. Only the lower portion of the wall is left, but this is covered, like the walls of the palaces of Nineveh, with bas-reliefs. Here we may see the same figure as that which occurs at Boghaz Keui, with the long robe, the crooked staff, and the winged solar disk above the head, only that the latter is absent at Eyuk. In front is an altar, and hard by another figure leading a goat by the horn, and followed by three oxen. There we may observe a bull mounted on a pedestal, there again a bull with a chest on its back and a circular ring in front. Elsewhere the building of the palace itself is depicted, two of the masons having the characteristic Hittite ear-rings in their ears, and near at hand is a musician playing on a flute. Behind is a snake-charmer, with a snake curled round his body and a guitar in his hand, and at his side a man who holds a long-tailed monkey. It is no doubt remarkable to find a monkey represented in so cold and northern a country as that in which this palace was built, but it is equally remarkable that the Hittite prince, with [p.263] Phrygian cap and "tip-tilted" boots, pourtrayed in the bas-reliefs from Nimroud, is followed by another Hittite who carries with him two long-tailed monkeys. This was in the time of Assur-natsir-pal. His son, Shalmaneser, states on the Black Obelisk that monkeys and apes were brought by tribute bearers, clad in the Hittite dress, from the land of Muzri. Now Muzri lay to the west of Armenia, and embraced just that part of Kappadokia which lay close to Eyuk.21

The wall on the eastern side of the gateway at Eyuk is ruined, but on what is left may be seen a troop of soldiers dressed in short tunics like the figures at Karabel and Ghiaur-Kalessi. On the inner face of the right hand monolith which forms the gate-post, is a carving of the double-headed eagle, which has exactly the same form as at Boghaz Keui. If Boghaz Keui represents the Pteria of the Greeks, it is possible that, as Longperier suggested,22 the city may have been symbolised by it, pteris being the Greek name of the pteris aquilina or fern with leaves like a double eagle. However this may be, the Seljukian Sultans adopted the old symbol of the Hittites after taking possession of Kappadokia and Lykaonia in the eleventh century, and from them it was carried by the Crusaders into Europe. The first bronze coin with the double eagle upon it is one struck by the Sultan Malik es Salah Mahmud in 1217 A.D., and the first time the symbol appears in the arms of the German Emperor is in the year 1345. I am strongly inclined to believe that it originally denoted the winged thunderbolt; at any rate there is a considerable resemblance between the Hittite symbol and the winged thunderbolt found upon the coins of Elis, Sicily, and other places. That Asia Minor was the original home of the latter symbol is more than probable; indeed, it has been found by Dr. Schliemann on terra-cotta tablets in the Greek stratum at Hissarlik. Examples are figured on page xxv of his "Troy and its Remains." I may add that [p.264] the thunderbolt earned by Merodach has somewhat the same form on the monuments of Assyria and Babylonia, as may be seen from the representation of Merodach pursuing the winged dragon on one of the Assyrian bas-reliefs now in the British Museum.23

The silver mines of the Bulgar Dagb in Lykaonia, the peculiar language of which survived to the time of St. Paul (Acts xiv, 11), were another locality which attracted the Hittites. They seem to have had a special partiality for this metal. The tablet on which their treaty with Ramses II was engraved was of silver, and, as before mentioned, M. Renan has observed niches in the rocks of Syria which seem to have been intended for similar inscribed memorials. Mr. Head, again, has shown that what the Assyrians called "the mina of Carchemish," was carried by the Hittites through Asia Minor, and became the standard according to which the electron and silver coins of the Lydian kings Gyges and Kroesus were struck. Ibreez or Ivris, where the Hittites have left a conspicuous monument of themselves, lies under the heights of the Bulgar Dagli, about three hours to the south-east of Eregli. The monument was first noticed by Otter in 1736, but Fischer was the first to make a drawing of it, which he communicated to Dr. Kiepert, who has published it in Ritter's "Erdkunde," III, 18. ("Asia Minor," Vol. I.) It has since been visited by the Rev. E. J. Davis, who has published an account of it, together with a drawing, much superior to that of Fischer's, in the Transactions of this Society, IV, p. 336 (1876). A king is represented in the act of worshipping a god, who wears a short tunic, the distinctive tiara on the head, and tip-tilted boots on the feet, and carries a handful of wheat in the left hand and a bunch of grapes in the right. Since we find a similar deity represented on the coins of Tarsus, with grapes in one hand and ears of corn in the [p.265] other, and surmounted by the legend "Baal of Tarsus" (Baal Tars), it is clear that he is the sun-god of the Hittites and their neighbours, called Sandau by the Kilikians. Three inscriptions accompany the figure, but little can be made out of the copies of them. However, by comparing the two copies of Fischer and Davis, I have been able to restore the character in the first line of the inscription between the face and hand of the god, as well as the two characters following one another below. The whole of the last line of the same inscription I have also been able to restore; it should run part of which may correspond with the word (or words) found in one of the inscriptions from Carchemish. (J. I, Col. D, line 4.)

Mr. Davis further heard from a friend of a Hittite inscription of five lines carved on a tablet cut out of the rock on the summit of a hill about midway between Chifteh Khan and the silver mines of Bulgar. The inscription is however almost effaced, but some of the characters copied by Mr. Davis's friend show that it was Hittite. The copy is engraved in Davis's "Life in Asiatic Turkey" (1879) p. 222.

Mr. Edmund Calvert, H.B.M. Consul in Rhodes, has informed me of another Hittite monument in the same neighbourhood. Some years ago a trader told him that near Frahtin, which seems to be not far from Ibreez, he had seen a rock-sculpture representing a large figure in pointed tiara and tip-tilted shoes, which must be the portrait of a deity, and two smaller figures standing before it. The large figure of the god was on the right, his two worshippers on the left, in the reverse position to that of the figures at Ibreez. The sculpture was accompanied by characters, one or two of which Mr. Calvert drew for me from memory, and they turned out to be Hittite.

I now come to two monuments which are for several reasons the most interesting that the Hittites have left behind them in Asia Minor. These are in the narrow pass of Karabel, about 25 miles inland from Smyrna, and near Nimphi, [p.266] which leads from the plain of the Hermus into the plain of the Kayster. One of these monuments was discovered by Reuouard (in 1831), and was afterwards copied by Texier. It has been frequently visited since, and a photograph was taken of it a few years ago, thanks to Dr. Hyde Clarke. (See below.) It is about 140 feet above the path, and represents the figure of a man, cut out of the rock, and standing in a niche. He faces southwards, holds a spear in the left hand, has a bow slung at the back, and wears the Hittite tunic, pointed tiara and tip-tilted boots. As soon as the monument was discovered it was at once recognized as one of the two which Herodotus tells us were carved on the rocks by the side of the two roads that ran from Smyrna to Sardes, and from Ephesus to Phokfea. After his visit to Egypt the Greek historian imagined them to be figures of Sesostris or Ramses II; but he states that the natives of Ionia could give no account of them. One of the figures he further describes as carrying a spear in the right hand and having an inscription in hieroglyphics across the breast. This figure was plainly not the one discovered by Renouard, since it held the spear in the left hand, and the characters which according to Texier and Kiepert accompanied it were carved in relief between the head and spear. Unfortunately the characters as copied by the French and German scholar's were too vague and indistinct to be recognized.

Last summer, when I discovered the Hittite origin of the sculptures of Boghaz Keui and Eyuk, I recognized at the same time the Hittite character of the sculpture of Karabel. If my discovery, however, were a real one, it was necessary that the hieroglyphics accompanying the latter should turn out to be Hittite. Accordingly I visited the spot last September, and took squeezes, and made careful copies of the inscription. One character in the last line is altogether obliterated, and the character next to it is very doubtful; but all the other characters are clear, and their duplicates may be seen on the monuments of Carchemish and Hamath. The Hittite origin of the monument, therefore, no longer [p.267] admits of doubt. The following is an exact copy of the inscription:—


The shaded character may, however, be either or , though I do not think that it can be the latter. The first character on the left in the first line probably represents or .

The second pseudo-Sesostris was long sought in vain. But it was at last discovered, first by Dr. Beddoe and his party in 1856, and then by Mr. Karl Humann, a Prussian engineer. An incorrect drawing of it by Mr. K. Humann, who saw it in June, 1876, was published by Prof. E. Curtius in the "Archeologische Zeitung," 1876, pp. 50, 51, but the sketch of it, made by myself, (see plate below) is the first really trustworthy one that has been given to the public. It will be seen that the figure is shockingly mutilated, the last damage to it having been occasioned by the smoke of a Yuruk's fire, whose tent was pitched against it when Mr. Spiegelthal visited the spot three or four years ago. It is, however, a mere duplicate of the first, except that the spear seems to be held in the right hand, the figure facing northward instead of southward, and as there are no traces of an inscription at the side, the characters probably ran across the breast, which is now broken away. In fact this must be the particular figure described by Herodotus. Instead of being a monument of Sesostris, it was really a monument of the power of his rivals and enemies, the Hittites. They must have penetrated to the shores of the Aegean itself, and held the pass which commanded the rich vallies of Lydia. Here, therefore, they set up their memorials as a visible sign of empire. For the two figures are not more than a few yards distant from each other, though the one is high above the path, while the other is beside it, carved in a niche cut out of a single huge boulder of rock. The ancient path, of [p.268] which I detected traces, ran just in front of the carved side of the monolith, which was therefore more conspicuous to the passer by than the other figure overhead. The modern track, however, runs along the back of the stone, which is buried in bushes, and this accounts for the fact that the earlier visitors to Karabel did not discover its existence.

The two figures must have served as sign-posts, the one pointing towards Ephesus to the south, and the other towards Sardes to the north. The analogy of the similar monuments left by the Egyptians and the Assyrians, would lead us to infer that the figures represent the Hittite monarch who conducted the successful expedition to the west, and that the hieroglyphics I copied contain his name and titles. The earliest example of a sculpture of the kind of which we know, was the image of himself "set up" by Sargon I, of Agane (about 1900 B.C.), on the shores of the Mediterranean, and, as we shall see, there are several indications that it was about this time or a little earlier that the Hittites received and adopted the elements of Babylonian art and civilization.

The spot in which the two figures were carved was probably occupied by a Hittite garrison, as it commanded the approach to the principal plains of western Asia Minor, and was the meeting-place of two paths: the one, now called the Karahel-dera, running from Ephesus to Phokaea, and the other, now called the Bel-kaiva, running from Smyrna to Sardes. At the northern entrance to the pass I discovered on the eastern side of the road an artificial tumulus, just above the modern Turkish guard-house, and on the same side, just within the pass, an artificially smoothed piece of cliff, which may once have borne an inscription. Mr. Karl Humann states that at Karijalia, three hours to the south of Nimphi, and consequently on the line of the Karabel-dere, he came across ancient rock-tombs and niches cut out of the cliff.

Figures almost identical with those of Karabel, and like them carved in niches cut out of the rock, were discovered by Perrot and Guillaume at Ghiaur-Kalessi, nine hours to the south-west of Angora or Ancyra, and near the villages of Kara-omerlu and Horadja or Ohiaja. They therefore stand on the line of the old road that ran from Ancyra to Pessinus [p.269] by Gordium, and so communicated with Boghaz Keui on the east and Sardes on the west. It was along this road that Kroesus marched when he went against Kyrus, and along which he returned to Sardes after the battle at Pteria. The figures, each about nine feet high, are duplicates one of the other, except that the one is beardless while the other has a beard. The cyclopean wall of a fortress leans against the rock on which they are sculptured. This wall is of a very peculiar construction, belonging to what is called the third polygonal system, in which the stones are polygonal, but the lateral joints and external faces are dressed. Now the walls of the Hittite fortress at Boghaz Keui are built in precisely the same way.

I learn from Mr. Boscawen that Hittite monuments have been discovered near the pass that leads through the Taurus range north of Merash, and therefore connects the Hittite capital with the district of the Halys. I am also inclined to think that another road led from Carchemish to the Mediterranean, past what was afterwards the site of Antioch, since Chesney ("Expedition to the Euphrates and Tigris," I, p. 425) states that outside the Bab Bulus or gate of St. Paul on the southern side of Antioch there is "in the vicinity a colossal head, probably that of a sphinx; also a full- length Egyptian figure, both in bold relief, cut in the solid rock evidently at a remote period." As the Egyptians were never in this part of the world, I believe the monuments will be found to be of Hittite origin.

It is difficult to determine the period to which the Hittite Empire in Asia Minor must be assigned. In the astrological tablets compiled for the library of Sargon of Agane (about B.C. 1900), the Hittites are already spoken of as formidable rivals of the Babylonians in the north-west, at a time when the kingdom of Assyria did not as yet exist. They must therefore have already been established in the neighbourhood of Carchemish. In the time of Thothmes I, the people of Aram Naharaim, the Assyrian Nahri, who lived in the northern part of Mesopotamia and the southern districts of Armenia, and seem to have spoken dialects allied to that of the Hittites, are the only enemies the Egyptian monarch has to face in this quarter of the world. Their place is taken by [p.270] the Rutennii or Syrians, in the wars with Thothmes II; and it is not until the reign of Thothmes III, when Babylon, Assur, and Nineveh paid tribute to the Egyptians, that the Hittites first appear upon the scene. At the beginning of the nineteenth dynasty, their power had extended itself over the whole of the neighbouring populations. In the time of Ramses I, Sapalili was the Hittite king, a name which we may compare with that of Sapalulve, borne by a king of the Patinai, in the time of Shalmaneser I. He was succeeded by his son Maui-a-sira, who left two sons behind him, the eldest being Mautenara, the antagonist of Seti I, and the younger Kheta-sira. The latter, after twenty years of struggle with Ramses II, concluded a treaty of peace upon equal terms with the Egyptian king, Ramses marrying his daughter and becoming his ally. At the battle of Kadesh, Saptar and Matarima appear as brothers of the Hittite king. It was in the time of Ramses II, the Greek Sesostris, that Hittite power and dominion were at their height. The date of Ramses is placed B.C. 1395 by Mariette, B.C. 1370 by Lepsius, B.C. 1333 by Brugsch, and B.C. 1180 by Leiblein, so that we shall not be far wrong in assigning the age of Hittite predominance to the end of the 14th century B.C. At that time their empire included the southern capital of Kadesh, on an island in the Orontes, from which they were afterward driven by the Semites, and probably extended as far south as Hamath. At all events, the Hittite inscriptions found at Hamath imply that it was once under Hittite influence, while we find Hamath opposed to the Semitic kingdom of Damascus, and worshipping a deity Ashima (2 Kings xvii, 30), whose name does not seem Semitic. At an earlier period, as we learn from the Old Testament, a Hittite tribe had penetrated as far south as the neighbourhood of Hebron, where one of their cities was called Kirjath-Sepher or "Booktown." This supports Mariette's theory that the [p.271] leaders of one at least of the Hyksos dynasties were Hittites, especially as Numb, xiii, 22, may imply that the builders of Zoan or Tanis, the Hyksos capital, were the same as the builders of Hebron. Jerusalem is said to have had an Amorite father and Hittite mother (Ezek. xvi, 3), reminding us of Manetho's statement, that the Hyksos on leaving Egypt had withdrawn to Jerusalem, and when the Canaanite of Beth-el fled from the Israelites (Judges i, 26), he betook himself to the land of the Hittites, which we may presume was still near at hand, and a secure refuge from hostile Semites. In the time of Ramses II the Hittites were able to summon to their help the Masu or Mysians, the Dardani of the Troad, with their towns Iluna or Ilion, and Pidasa or Pedasus, as well as the Kaskas, who are evidently the Kaskai of the Assyrian inscriptions, the Kolkhians of classical writers. When Herodotus says (II, 104) that the Kolkhians formed part of the army of Sesostris, he makes the same mistake as when he ascribes to Sesostris the monuments in Karabel erected by the Hittite rivals of Egypt. The Paschal Chronicle states that the Dardani were descended from Heth; I should not think this worth notice, were it not that the Chronicle seems to have borrowed some of its materials from a writer of Asia Minor. At any rate, it must have been from this source that the Chronicle has derived the account of the statue of Perseus erected just outside the city of Ikonium, in Lykaonia, formerly called Amandra, which seems to have been an old Hittite monument similar to those of Karabel, According to Tiglath-Pileser I (B.C. 1130), the Hittites held Subarti or Semitic Syria under their sway in his time, and garrisoned it with 4,000 Kaskian and Urutasian soldiers. Fifty years previously the allied tribe of Muskai or Moskhians (Meshech) had seized the countries of Alzu (? Halys) and Purukhumzu on the Upper Euphrates, but they were defeated by the Assyrian king with their five kings and army of 20,000 men. The appearance of Tiglath-Pileser I was the beginning of the overthrow of the Hittites by their Semitic neighbours, whom they had so long dominated over and threatened. In the time of Solomon (1 Kings x, 29), and of Ahab or his son Jehoram (2 Kings vii, 6), the Hittites were divided into a [p.272] number of small principalities, though from the Assyrian inscriptions it would appear that Carchemish still exercised a sort of suzerainty over them. But the growing power of Assyria proved too much for the people, who had once treated on equal terms with Egypt in its age of empire. Assur-natsir-pal (B.C. 883-858) compelled Sangara the king of Carchemish to pay tribute, and his son Shalmaneser II (858-823) defeated him in battle, and wrested from him among other places the city of Pitru or Pethor, at the junction of the Sajur and Euphrates. Carchemish was finally taken by Sargon in B.C. 717, its last king Piiris put to death, and the old Hittite Capital placed under an Assyrian governor. The trade of which it was the centre fell into Semitic hands, and the long struggle for supremacy in Western Asia between the Semites and the Hittites ended in the final victory of the Semitic race.

The period therefore to which we must assign the extension of Hittite power into the west of Asia Minor, cannot be later than the 12th century B.C., and may be as early as the 15th. The remains found by Dr. Schliemann at Hissarlik show no traces of Assyrian, Egyptian, or Phoenician influence, but they point unmistakably to Babylonian and Hittite influence. The cylinders made in imitation of those of Babylonia, a figure of Artemis Nana resembling those which M. Lenormant has traced from Chaldea to the islands of the Aegean and Mykenas, and some of the patterns with which the Trojan remains are adorned, show that Babylonian art, as modified by the Hittites, had been brought as far as the Troad. Indeed, it is possible that some of the rude drawings on the terra cotta dishes discovered at Hissarlik may have been suggested by the Hittite hieroglyphs. It is also possible that the Lydian tradition recounted by Herodotus, which derived the Heraklid dynasty from Ninus the son of Belus, was an echo of the fact that Sardes had once been in Hittite hands. We now know from the Assyrian inscriptions that the Assyrians never penetrated westward of the Halys before the reign of Assurbanipal, in whose time the very name of Luddi or Lydia first became known to them; consequently the belief that the tradition recorded by the [p.273] Greek historian pointed to an early Assyrian occupation of the country must be given up. The Hittites, however, brought with them the elements of Babylonian culture, and came from Carchemish, which Ammianus Marcellinus calls Ninus Vetus, "the Old Nineveh" (XIV, 8; see too Philostr. "Vita Apoll. Tyan." I, 19, and Diod. II, 3, 7). If any confidence can be placed in the dates of Herodotus, the Heraklid dynasty would have been established about B.C. 1200, 505 years before the accession of Gyges, the Gugu of the Assyrian inscriptions, and the Gog of the Old Testament, who sent tribute to Assurbanipal. The name of the dynasty preserved a reminiscence of the introduction of the Babylonian sun-god into Lydia by the Hittites, and it is possible that Omphale may have been the Hittite name of the goddess whose worship was carried by them throughout Asia Minor, and who appears under the various names of Kybele, Kybebe, Ma, and the Ephesian Artemis. Her handmaids and ministers, the Amazons, are certainly of Hittite origin, and are usually connected with places where there are Hittite remains. Thus the foundation of Ephesus and Smyrna is ascribed to them, and their chief seat was believed to have been on the banks of the Thermodon, in the neighbourhood of Boghaz Keui.24

As I have already said, it was Babylonian culture which the Hittites carried with them to the nations of the west. The sphinxes at Eyuk, indeed, show that they did not remain [p.274] altogether unaffected by the art of the Egyptians, with whom at one time they had been brought into such close contact, and it is possible that the invention of their hieroglyphics was suggested by the sight of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, just as Doalus invention of the Vei-negro syllabary was suggested by the sight of European writing. But the art and culture of the Hittites remained mainly Babylonian. It was not Assyrian, which proves that the rise of Hittite power took place before the appearance of Assyria on the scene of history, and it was considerably modified in the borrowing. But its general character, as well as such details as the representation of deities riding upon lions, or standing upon hills, can find their analogue only on the engraved cylinders of ancient Chaldea. A good deal in it, no doubt, was of native origin; the mural crown, for instance, which the goddesses wear on the rocks of Boghaz Keui, must have been an invention of the Hittites, from whom it was received by the worshippers of the Ephesian Artemis.25 Like the art, the pantheon and mythology of Carchemish seem also to have been influenced by Babylonia. The goddess whose worship caused Carchemish and its supplanter Bambyke to be named Hierapolis, was the Nana or Istar of Babylonia, and the pseudo-Lucian ("De Dea Syr.," 12, 13) tells us that the Chaldean story of the Deluge, along with the name of the Chaldean Noah, Sisvthes, had been imported into the Hittite capital, near which the gulf opened which swallowed up the waters.

It is now time to turn to the Hittite inscriptions themselves. The first fact that can be established in regard to them is that they are of native invention. Not only do they [p.275] differ from the Egyptian hieroglyphics on the one hand, or the primitive pictures out of which the cuneiform characters were developed on the other, but several of them, such as the tip-tilted boot, or the head crowned with the Hittite tiara, prove that they could not have been derived from a foreign source. In the second place, we can trace the simplification of many of them into what may be termed hieratic types. While the characters found on the Hittite monuments of Asia Minor agree with those of Carchemish, the characters found in the inscriptions of Hamath and the seal impressions from the palace of Sennacherib are considerably simplified. The more difficult hieroglyphics, such as the heads of animals, have been replaced by conventional groups of lines, and a tendency has set in to substitute straight lines for curves.26

As Dr. Hayes Ward first pointed out, the inscriptions are always written in boustrophedon fashion, and are read from the side towards which the characters look. In each line, when two or more characters are placed one below the other, we have to begin with the character at the top, as is shown partly by the position of the characters which seem to denote suffixes, partly by a comparison of the following passage in one of the inscriptions from Carchemish, now in the British Museum:—27

Col. A, line 4. Col. D, line 1. Col. C, line 2.


It is evident that a large number of the characters are simple ideographs. Thus the elaborate character in one of the Carchemish inscriptions (J. II, line 5), which represents the heads and shoulders of two men with the arms crossed, seems to indicate the making of a treaty, and the picture of an arm holding a dagger in the hand, which occurs not unfrequently, probably expresses the idea of killing or conquering. But these ideographs must also have some special pronunciation which was given to them more often than any other, and, as in Assyrian and Egyptian, this value could probably be employed phonetically. At all events it is clear that a good many of the characters were used phonetically to express syllables. The necessity of expressing proper names would alone have required this. But many of the characters which occur frequently are plainly what would be termed phonetic complements in Assyrian; that is to say, they denote the grammatical suffix of the word denoted by the ideograph to which they are attached. It is important to notice that these suffixes are almost invariably, if not invariably, affixed and not prefixed. This by itself would be enough to show that the language of the Hittites was not Semitic, since the Semitic Sectional suffixes as often precede as follow the root. Sometimes two ideographs which follow one another have each the same suffix attached to them; at other times it is to what looks like two groups of words that they are appended. The commonest of these suffixes, or rather of the characters which express them, are the yoke , the boot , and the character or . At Carchemish we find the latter thrice taking the place of the boot, while at Hamath it is replaced by . In the parallel passages quoted above we find the arm substituted in the one case, for the yoke in the other. All these suffixes. I believe, belong to the noun; there are two others which seem to belong to the verb. One of these is the crescent or ; the other the compound which is very often doubled. The position of the latter appears immaterial; thus at Carchemish (J .1. Col. B, line 5) we have and at Hamath (H.V. line 1), where the arm probably denotes action. Another suffix is which follows the name of a deity and must therefore be classed [p.277] among the suffixes of the noun. I am not sure whether the two common characters and , the latter of which is shown by the Assyrian sculptures to have been a picture of the Hittite basket, are not also to be reckoned among the flections of the noun. We meet with them several times in combination; indeed, taking all the inscriptions together, the combination is more frequent than any other. The combination must denote some word, written phonetically.

It has been conjectured that the word in question was the preposition "of" But, apart from the fact that the Hittite noun appears to have denoted its cases by flexional terminations, like the noun in the Vannic inscriptions, my discovery of the determinative prefix of divinity proves that such could not have been the case.28 The following examples will show that it stands between the names of two divinities:—



Smith's Carchemish:—



This comparison made me first think that the word might signify "and." But the fact that at Carchemish the yoke replaces , added to the further fact that the use of these two characters makes it clear that they had not the same sounds, has suggested to me that the word might signify "son," the variant form of the word with the yoke as second character being "daughter." In this case the yoke would denote the feminine suffix. I must add, however, that the frequent occurrence of the word in the inscriptions tells against this explanation, especially as it is preceded and followed by a variety of different words in the same inscription. It may, of course, signify "king."


The existence of a determinative prefix of divinity shows that such prefixes or affixes existed in Hittite as in cuneiform and Egyptian. I am inclined to believe that the curious character or was the determinative prefix of "man." At all events, it occurs on each of the seal inscriptions in three cases at the beginning of a name, and in another case after the character which I believe to mean "a tablet" or "seal." The latter character has pretty nearly the shape of the silver tablet on which the Hittite copy of the treaty with Ramses II was preserved, according to the representations of it drawn by the Egyptian scribes, the handles at the sides being the two rings by which it was kept in place, and the two lines at the top denoting the strings by which it was hung. On one of the seals is followed by which I think must be the hieratic form of some animal's head; on another it is followed by itself. In this case it would have represented some phonetic value. It so closely resembles the character , found in the Kappadokian inscription copied by Hamilton at Eyuk, in the close neighbourhood of the Hittite monuments, that I am inclined to think them identical, and in the Kypriote syllabary a character with the same form as the Kappadokian one has the value of ma.29

This brings me to a suggestion I made in the last paper I laid before this Society on the subject we are now considering. I then proposed to derive the mysterious Kypriote syllabary from the Hittite hieroglyphics, and drew up a table of possible equivalents. But the attempt was premature, and I subsequently withdrew it, having been converted to the view of Dr. Deecke, who found the origin of the Kypriote characters in the cuneiform syllabary of Nineveh. The fresh materials however which have been accumulating during the last three years have again made me change my opinion and [p.279] return to my old suggestion. On the one hand, the inscriptions of Hamath, which were the only ones I had to work at four years ago, present us, as I now know, only with late hieratic forms of the Hittite hieroglyphs, forms too that belong to the southern branch of Hittite writing rather than to the western branch, with which alone the populations of Asia Minor were brought into contact. On the other hand, as I have indicated at length in an Appendix written for Dr. Schliemann's forthcoming work on his excavations at Hissarlik, the Kypriote syllabary is but a local form of a syllabary once in use throughout Asia Minor before the introduction of the simpler Greek alphabet. It does not contain all the characters in use on the mainland, and the oldest Kypriote forms of many of them are later than those found at Hissarlik, or in the alphabets of Kappadokia,30 Mysia, Lydia,31 Karia, Lykia, Pamphylia, and Kilikia, which preserved a considerable number of the characters of the old syllabary, in order to express sounds not provided for in the Greek alphabet. Consequently we must seek the origin of the syllabary not in Kyprus but in Asia Minor, and compare the Hittite characters rather with those of the syllabary of the mainland than with those of the syllabary of the island.

Considering the influence exercised by the Hittites upon the art and mythology of Asia Minor, it would have been astonishing if they had not communicated to them the knowledge of writing, for which they were already famous. The source of the syllabary of Asia Minor therefore must naturally be sought either in Kapadadokia or in Lykonia, where the chief Hittite monuments are to be found, and the Kyprian form of it would have been derived from Kihkia. The chief objection, accordingly, to my suggestion of the original identity of the Hittite and Kyprian modes of writing, has thus been removed; the geographical and chronological distance [p.280] between them that existed when my suggestion was made has now been filled up, and we can trace the so-called Kypriote syllabary back to the very spots in which the Hittites erected their monuments, and to the very time when they did so.

The discovery that this syllabary was really the syllabaries of Asia Minor, overthrows Dr. Deecke's ingenious attempt to derive it from the Assyrian characters introduced into Kypiois in the reign of Sargon. But there was much else in Dr. Deecke's theory which made it hard of acceptance when closely examined. Thus a genuine resemblance existed between only two of the characters in the syllabaries of Kjus and Nineveh, and even this resemblance ceased to exist when we turned to the oldest accessible form of one of them (pa) in the Kispnote syllabary. Moreover, Dr. Deecke had to mix together forms of characters belonging to different periods and localities of cuneiform writing, and even so was obliged to invent intermediate forms to bridge over the distance between a Kypriote letter and its supposed cuneiform equivalent. It has been pertinently asked whether, considering the immense number of cuneiform characters to choose from, there could have been any necessity for such violent processes, had Dr. Deecke's theory had any solid basis.32 But a main argument against it still remains. The Kypriote syllabary draws no distinction between b, p, and ph; d, t, and th; g, k, and kh, while it does draw a careful distinction between m and r, the semi-vowel y and a simple vowel, and has separate characters to express the sound of o. The cuneiform syllabary, on the contrary, distinguishes between b and p; d, t, and ţ; and g, k, and kh, besides representing also the sound of c, whereas it makes no distinction between m and t, or a vowel with or without y. It is curious that the very little we know of Hittite phonology seems to show that the peculiarities of the Kypriote syllabary may have had their origin in the peculiarities of Hittite pronunciation. The name of the Hittite capital, Carchemish, is written with g in Assyrian (Gargamis), k in Egyptian, and c in Hebrew, as if the guttural [p.281] were an intermediate sound, which foreigners had great difficulty in catching.33 I may add that the boustrophedon fashion in which the Hittite inscriptions are always written, may throw light on the fact that early Greek inscriptions are so often written in this way. The fact is a puzzling one, since the Semites, from whom the Greeks received their alphabet, always wrote from right to left. If, however, the Asiatic Greeks had been accustomed to writing boustrophedon before they learnt the new alphabet, an explanation of the fact would be given.34 Similarly I believe that the names given by the Phoenicians, or rather the Aramaeans of the Gulf of Antioch, to their letters were derived from the Hittite hieroglyphs, with which they had been familiar before the importation of the Egyptian alphabet by the Phoenicians of the Delta.

Our knowledge neither of Hittite nor of Asia Minor epigraphy is as yet sufficient to enable us to undertake a satisfactory comparison of the two modes of writing. But in some cases, where we can arrive at the primitive form of a Kypriote character by comparing it with the forms used on the mainland, the resemblance to Hittite hieroglyphs is so exact that it is difficult not to assume identity. I have incidentally alluded to one or two of these cases in the course of the present paper. But I will mention three more which are [p.282] at any rate very remarkable. The Hittite appears in the inscriptions at Ibreez, as copied by Fischer, under the form of . Now, this is precisely the form of a character which is found in the alphabets of Karia, Pamphylia, and Kilikia, that is to say, of the very locality in which the Hittite monuments of Ibreez and Bulgar Dagh exist. It may be the Kypriote character ko, which sometimes has the form , or it maybe the Kypriote ra (); but more probably it is one which has not been included in the Kypriote syllabary at all. If it is ko, we should be able to read the first three characters of a legend on the coins of the Pamphylian town of Side as Ta-r-ko, and compare the name of a god who enters into the composition of the Gangumian and Milidian names Tarkhu-lara and Tarkhu-nasi, mentioned by Tiglath-Pileser II and Sargon. The first character in the legend is usually written , but once appears as , once as , with which I would compare found as a variant form of the Kypriote ta. Now , I believe, corresponds with the outstretched arm of the Hittite inscriptions, just as the Kypriote (su) corresponds with the outstretched arm holding a dagger which protrudes below the hand, and (xe) corresponds with the out-stretched arm with a hatchet in the hand. The third case to which I have referred is the Hittite character , which seems identical with the Kypriote (ne). The resemblance might be set down to chance, were it not that a variant form of the Kypriote character is , just as a variant form of the Hittite character is also . Of course, in modifying the Hittite hieroglyphics into the syllabary of Asia Minor, the western hieratic forms of the characters would have been taken—not, however, it must be remembered, the southern hieratic forms which we find at Hamath—while determinative prefixes and characters employed only as ideographs would be discarded.

All that now remains for me to do is to say a few words about the language of the Hittites, and of this, unfortunately, [p.283] we know next to nothing. Such Hittite names as Kheta-sira ("prince (?) of the Hittites"), Khilip-sira ("prince (?) of Aleppo"), Kaui-sira ("prince of the Kuans" (?), show that, like Aryan, the language of the Hittites placed the defining word before that which it defined. Consequently it was not a Semitic dialect. This conclusion is confirmed by the Hittite personal and local names preserved in the Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions. None of these can be explained as Semitic, while they agree closely with the proper names of the neighbouring populations—the Patinians on the Afrin and Orontes; the Gamgumians and Samahlians further north; the Kuans and Lakians east of Kilikia; the Kilikians themselves; the people of Kummukh or Komagene, which in the Assyrian period lay between Milid or Melitene and the western bank of the Euphrates; the Moschians and Tibarenians (Meshech and Tubal), who extended to the frontiers of Komagene; the Komanians in Kappadokia; and the proto-Armenians of the Vannic inscriptions. It is probable that allied dialects were spoken in Nahri or northern Mesopotamia, and throughout a large portion of Asia Minor. At all events, there is a great similarity between typically Asia Minor names and Vannic names—between, for instance, the Phrygian Agdistis35 and the Vannic Argistis. As M. Lenormant was the first to point out, the language of the Vannic inscriptions seems to belong to the Alarodian family of speech, of which Georgian is the best known living example, and in the modern Georgians we may perhaps see the physical type of the Hittites and their kindred.

Since the district in which Eyuk and Boghaz Keui are situated fell within the boundaries of Kammanu or Komania, it is plain that the White Syrians whom Strabo places in this region must be Hittites. The origin of the Greek geographer's mistake in calling them Syrians is easily intelligible, since they came from a country which in his days was only known as Syria, and where the very name of Hittite had been forgotten. Indeed, they are specially contrasted with the Black Syrians, who are said to live east of the Amanus, and must [p.284] consequently be Arameans.36 The country of Kammanu subsequently formed part of Kappadokia, called Katpaducca (Katapatuka) in the Persian inscriptions, which I would com pare with Kataomia, in the south of Kappadokia. The Egyptian monuments mention the Kati or Kiti, allies of the Hittites, as living in this very region, and the termination of the word Kataonia (for Katavonia) is probably merely derivative, since we find the same termination in the name of Lykaonia, where a peculiar language was spoken down to the days of St. Paul. According to Strabo, the language of the Kataonians was the same as that of the white Syrians. It is unfortunate that we know next to nothing of the language of the Kappadokians or of the Moschi, who, as we have seen, lived in the same locality, and seem to have spoken a language allied to that of the Kappadokians and the Hittites. According to Apuleuis,37 wild rue was called moly by the Kappadokians, according to Hesychius their word for "a mouse" was [Greek], while Pliny38 asserts that the pits in which they preserved their corn were called sin, as among the Thrakians. Ahakles was the title given to the supreme pontiff of the goddess Ma at Komana, who was served by an army of 6,000 priests. Omanos again was a Kappadokian god associated with Anaitis or Artemis;39 and though Burnouf has attempted to explain this name by the Persian Bahman, the Zend Yohu-Mano, I am inclined to think it is a native word. At all events the same termination appears in the name of Lairbeuos, which, as Mr. Ramsay has pointed out to me, is found with the figure of the sun-god on the coins of Hierapolis, which succeeded to the position and the religion of Carchemish; and I would compare the first [p.285] part of the name with the second element in the name of the Gamgumian king Tarkhu-lara. Since we have also Tarkhuriazi quoted on the Assyrian monuments as the name of a king of Milid or Melitene in the time of Sargon, it would seem that Tarkhu was the name of a deity (compare the Hittite name Thargatha-zas mentioned in the Egyptian inscriptions, and the goddess Atargatis or Derketo of Hierapolis). Another Kappadokian deity was Disandan (or Dibdan according to a variant reading), identified with the Greek Herakles, who is stated to have been also worshipped by the Ilians—another mark of connection between the Dardanians of the Troad and the Hittites of Kappadokia.40 As Meyer has shown,41 Sandan or Sandes, with whom Di-Sandan is identical, was a Kilikian divinity, and was worshipped in Kilikia under the title of Morrheus.42 According to Apollodorus (III, 14, 3, 1), Sandakos came from Syria (? Carchemish), and founded the city of Kelenderis in Kilikia, having married Pharnake the daughter of king Megessaros, by whom he had Kinyras. With Megessaros we may compare the names of the Hittite antagonists of Ramses II and his father, which terminate in sira, while Valdemar Schmidt43 has pointed out that the names of Sanda-sarvi or Sanda-khirvi, king of Kilikia in the time of Assur-bani-pal, and of Sandu-arri, king of Cundi and Sizu in the time of Esar-haddon, are evidently compounded with that of the god Sanda or Sandan, [Greek], it may be observed, was the name given by the Lydians to the linen garments with which Omphale clothed Herakles.44 Sandes is also mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus, who states that the Kilikian town of Adana was founded by Adanus and the river Saros. after they had been defeated by the Tarsians. Adanos, he adds, was son of tlie Earth and Sky, like the other Kilikian deities Ostasos, Sandes, Kronos, Rhea, lapetos, and Olymbros. These few names and words, along with [Greek], which we are told was [p.286] used by the Moschi with the signification of "a wooden house,"45 are all that is left of the language of Kappadokia and the adjacent districts.46

An examination of the Hittite proper names, however, as recorded by the Egyptian and Assyrian scribes, gives us a little insight into the grammatical character of the language. We have already seen that the defining word preceded the defined, as in Aryan, or in the language of the Vannic inscriptions; it is further clear that -s, as in Vannic, marked the termination of the nominative. Thus we have nouns in -as like Thargatha-t'as, T'aua-t'as, Tharg-annas, and Annas; nouns in -us, like Garbitus, Samarius; and finally a large number of nouns in -is, like Pais, Pisiris, the name of the last Hittite king, or the name of Carchemish itself. Carchemish, or Gargamis, however, may be a compound, the second element of which is in the genitive, since it seems to occur in a reduplicated form in the name of the Gamgumians. A [p.287] good many local names end in g or k, like Mabog (Bambyke), Sathekh-beg, Suki-beki, Amar-seki, Dabig, and Allig, or in I'an, as Khalvan (the Assyrian form of Aleppo), Lairbenos (?), Kataonia, Lykaonia, Nebisuanna; while we have other nouns terminating in -ra, as Kheta-sira and the like, Mauthenara, Sangara, Maurmar. Another termination is ha, which we also find in Vannic. If Thargatha and Atargatis or Derketo are really feminine forms corresponding with the masculine Tarkhu, we should have a feminine suffix -tha, as in Semitic. But the correspondence is very doubtful.47

Awaiting the decipherment of the inscriptions, this is the utmost that can at present be ascertained regarding the language of the Hittites. But it is sufficient to show that the language was allied to those spoken by the neighbouring populations, and probably also to proto-Armenian and perhaps Lykian; that it was moreover a Sectional language, and above all that it was not Semitic. As Brugsch Bey very justly says, the Hittite "names do not bear a Semitic, or at any rate not a pure Semitic stamp."

I have thought it useful to add by way of appendix the various Hittite names, both personal and local, which occur in the Old Testament and the Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions. I have included the names of some Hamathite princes, partly because the Hittite inscriptions found on the site of Hamath show that Hittite influence once prevailed there, partly because the name of Tou or Toi is non-Semitic, although as far back at least as the eighth century B.C. Hamath had become completely Semitic.



From the Old Testament:—

Tou or Toi
Judith or Adah
Beeri (?)
Luz (perhaps Semitic)

From the Egyptian Inscriptions:—48

Personal Names.

Aagam or Akama (from Panas)
Garbatus (comp. Garparunda)
Kamaiz (leader of the mercenaries at
   the battle of Kadesh)
Khilip-sira ("writer of books")
Nebisuana or Reba-senen (from Annas
   or Anunas, cf. Syennesis of Kilikia)
Saplil (compare Sapalulvi)
Tartisebu (Brugsch, Tartibus)
Thaadar or Thaadal (leader of the mercenaries
   at the battle of Kadesh)
Thaadir or Thaadil (cf. Dadilu of the Kolkhians,
  and Dadi)
Tharganvmas or Thargannas (comp. Tarkhu-
Thargatha-zas (from Nakbesu)
Zaua-zas or Zava-zas (from Tanisa)

Local Names.

Abellenu (cf. Aubillina)
Aiber or Aibel
Aimaru (Br. Aimal)
Airanel or Ailaner (two
   towns of this name)
Akateri or Akaterith
Amana (Amanus, Ass.
Amar-seki (cf. Aimar)
Annaui (cf. Annas)


Anunas or Annas
Anzakeb (cf. An-riz and Ithakab)
Apakha (Br. Arrapikha)
Ares (two towns of this name)
Arukan (Br. Alikan)
Arzakana (cf. Ass. Arazik)
Atha-kai' ("city of the goddess
Athebena (cf . Lairbenos)
Athrithan (cf. Athrun)
Atur or Adur
Aurna (cf. Ass. Arna)
Bagaru (Br. Bizar)
Ga-auru (Br. Zaur)
Gagama (Br. Zizi..., cf. Gamgumai)
Gamai (Br. Samai)
Hamath (probably also a Semitic foundation)
Ithakab (cf. Anzakeb)
Iurima (cf. Maizi-rima)
Kabusiu (Br. Kabur)
Kadesh (the name seems to be Semitic, from which it may be inferred that it was of Semitic foundation, and subsequently occupied by the Hittites. It is curious that this southern
capital of the Hittites has the same meaning as Hierapolis.
Can this also be the meaning
of Gargamis.)
Kainab or Kainap
Kannu or Kanu
Kar-shaua (cf. Mashaua)
Kartha-meruth (Semitic Kirjath-
Kati or Keti (cf. Kataonia). bordering on Carchemish
Kazawatana or Kizawadana
Kel-maitha (cf. Ass. Kulmadara)
Kinisenen ( Br. Kilsenen)
Khalros (cf. Khalvan)
Khareb (? Aleppo)
Kharkakhi or Kharkaka
Khatha'ai (cf. Kheta)
Khilbu or Khilipu, Ass.
Khalvan (Aleppo)
Khisasap (cf. Sap-lili)
Lerti (cf. Tarkhu-lara)
Matenau (Bnigsch, Athena).
This is the Mitani or Mutunu
of the Assyrian inscriptions,
just opposite Carchemish
Maur-mar (cf. Maurasira)
Murunasa. (Br. Maulrus)
Mushanath (cf. Moschi, Musak)
Nakbesu (Brugsch, Nagebus)
Ni (Carchemish was called
  Ninus Vetus)
Nishapa (? Nisibis, Ass. Nazi-
Nuzana or Nuzan
Pabekh (com. Dabigu)
Pederi (cf. Ass. Pitru, Pethor)
Perikara (Br. Pikaz)
Pilka or Pairaka


Salomaski or Sarmaski
Sarasu or Sarsu
Sari (Br. Silli)
Saihekh-beg (cf. Suki-beki)
Suka (cf. Suki-beki)
Sur (cf. Ass. Surunu)
Ta-basu (Br. I-bil)
Ta-kanasa (Br. Akas)
Taniros, or country of Niros
Tanisa, or the country of
Tariza, "or country of Riza"
Tarshebi (cf. Tartisebu)
Ta-sukha (? the Shuites)
Ta-Taru (Br. Ithal)
Ta-zeker, or country of Zeker
Theleb (= Thalaba)
Thel-manna (Tel-manna, cf.
   Ass. Manya)
Thethup (cf. Aup)
Thukam-ros (cf. Khalros and
Tuaub or Tuaup, or Aup
Tubakhi (north of Kadesh)
Tul-bentha (Semitic "mound of
   the daughter")
Uniuka (cf. Ass. Unki, mod.
Zaiath-khirrii (Goodwin,
Zanruisu or Zarruisu
Zaranda (Goodwin, Taaranta
    "of the Orontes")
Zetharseth (two towns of this

To these Brugsch would add—

Azar or Azal

From the Assyrian Inscriptions:—

Personal Names.

Sangara or Sagara, 876-854,49 of Carchemish (cf.
  the river-names Sagura and Sangarius)
Pisiris or Pisiris, or Pisiri, 732-717, Carchemish
  (cf. Kheta-sira, &c.)
Mutallu, 858, Gamgumian (cf. Mauthenar)
Tarkhu-lara, 742-738, Gamg. (cf. Tai-khu-nazi)
Mutalla, 711, Gamg. (cf. Mutallu)


Garparuda or Garparunda, 854, Gamg. (cf.
    Girparuda of the Patiuians, and names of
    Asia Minor terminating in -nda)
Khaian or Khanu, son of Gabbar, 858-854 (of Samalla and Amanus)
Panammu, 748-732 (of Samalla)
Lubarna or Luburna, or Libarna I, 872,
Lubarna II, 832, Pat.
Sapalulvi, 858, Pat. (cf. Sapa-lili)
Girparuda, 854, Pat.
Surri(Ia), cir. 850, Pat.
Sa'si, son of Mat-uzza, cir. 850, Pat.
Tutamu, 740, Pat.
Catl, 854-834, of the Kue, and Cirri his
Uricci or Uriacci, 738, of the Kue
Tulia, 850, of Tanacun among the Kue
Cili-anteru, son of Cali-anteru,50 son of Saru-pin-
   sihusuni, 1130, of Komagene (cf. names in Asia
   Minor terminating in -andros)
Sadi-anteru, son of Khattukhi, 1130, of
   Komagene (cf. Sadi-attes)
Catu-zilu or Kata-zilu, 858, Komagenian
Kundaspi, 854, Kom.
Kustaspi, 740-732, Kom. (the Aiyan Hystaspis)
Mutallu, cir. 715, Kom. (cf. Mutallu of Gamgumia)
Pikhirim, 854, of Kilikia
Ambaris or Amris, 712, of Kilikia and Tubal
Sandu-arri, 678, of Kilikia (?)
Sanda-sarvi, 660, of Kilikia (cf. Sandulitir,
    the name of a city on the Black Sea)
Tarkondimatus, in Greek inscription, Kilikia
    (cf. Tarkhu-lara)
Syennesis, Kilikia
Lalli, 854, of Milid
Sulumal, 738, of Milid
Tarkhu-nazi, 712, of Milid
Buranate, 850, Yazbucian
Uas-svirvi, 738, Tibareni (cf. Sandasarvi)
Ambaris or Amris, 716, Tib., son of Khulli
Mugalh, 660, Tib
Dadilu, 738, Kaskai or Kolkhians
Mita, 716, of the Moschi (cf. Midas)
Gunzinan, of Khamman
Udaci, 834, of Van
Lutipri, of Van (the Mannai or Minnians)
Sar-duris or Se-duris, of Van
Menuas, of Van
Ai'gistis, of Van
Ispuinis, of Van
Iranzti, 720, of Van, and his son Aza
UUus'un, 715, of Van
Akhseri, 660, of Van
Vaalli, 650, of Van (cf. Khulli)
Arame or Arrame, 850, of Ararat (cf. Aram, son
  of Agusi or Gusi, of Arne in Komagene, B.C. 854)
Bakhian, 850, of the Hittites
Aramis-sar-ilani, "Aramis king of the gods" (a
  Hittite after the Assyrian conquest of Carchemish.
  Aramis would be the name of the chief Hittite
   god. Cf. the Armenian Arame).
Irkhulena, 854, of Hamath
Urza, 715, of Ararat


Local Names.

Mitani or Mutunu
Pitru (Pethor, at the junction of
  the Sajur and Euphrates; there
  was a Piterra on the Tigris in
  south-eastern Armenia)
Sagura or Sangura (the Sajur)
Khalvau (Aleppo)
Alligu (Ledjah)
Milid, Melitene (cf. Mount
Kummukh (Komagene)
Mildis (cf. Milid)
Tul-garimmi (Togarmah)
Akhanu or Yakhauu
Khazazu ('Azaz)
Aribue and Lukhit
Aprie (the Afrin)
Arante (the Oroutes)
Kunulua or Kinalla
Taya or Tae, Khatatirra
Nulia, Kulmadara
Butamu, Pat. (cf. Nahr-el-Butuynne)
Tarma-nazi, Pat. (cf. Tarkhu-nazi)
Atalur (sea-coast of the Patinians)
Unki, Pat. (Umk)
Alizdr, Pat.
Uetas, in Melitene
Khamman ( cf. Khamanu or Amanus)
Lutibu (cf. Lutipri)
Samahlai or Samallai
Kamraanu or Romania
Khilak or Khilucci
  (Kilikia, Khelekh on coins)
Tarzi (Tarsus)
Adavas and Kharmas
(in Armenia)
Nipur (the Taurus)
Kasiyari (Mons Masius)
Tul-Bar'sip (Barsampse)

North of Kilikia:—

Kua (cf. Kue)

Kings of Nahri, B.C. 820:—

Sirasvi, of the Babarurai
Amakhar, of Kharmis-andi
Zarisu, of the Parsaniyai (cf. Parsuas,
Zarisu, of the Khundurai
Sanisu, of the Cipabarutacai
Ardara, of Ustassi
Suma, of the Ciuucai
Tatai, of the Ginginai
Burain, of the Arimai
Parusta, of the Cimarusai
Aspastatauk, of the Huilai


Amamaa, of the lesser Cingistilin
Khassikhii, of the Matsirausai
Mamanis of the Luksai
Zabel, of the Dimamai
Sii-asu, of the Singuriai (cf. Sangara and
Gista, of the Abdanai
Adadanu, of the Asatai
Ursi, of the Ginkhukhtai
Bara, of the Ginzinai (cf. Gunzinan)
Arna, of the Cindvitansai
Dirnacus, of the Marruai
Zaban, of Zuza-rurai
Irtizati, of the Ginkhidai
Bazzuta, of the Taurlai
Sua, of the Nanikirai

Districts of Nahri in B.C. 1130:—

Nazabia (? Nisibis)
Andiabi (cf. Kharmisandi;
    Kharmis is the
    cuneiform name of
    the Hermus)
Tunube (cf. Tunep)


1 "Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch.," IV, 336-346.

2 Although four copies of this inscription have been made, including one by Mr. George Smith, they are so imperfect, and differ so considerably, that until we are in possession of the original, or casts, it will be impossible to produce a correct representation.—W. H. R.

3 These are called J. I, and J. II, the letter J referring to Jerabis, the name of the mound in which they were discovered. In speaking of the Hamath stones, they are named, H. I, H. II, &c., according to the plates to be published with those of the Jerabis inscriptions, in Part 3 of the present volume of the "Transactions."—W. H. R.

4 See Proceedings, Soc. Bibl. Arch., No. XX, January, 1881, in which an extract from a letter from Mr. George Dennis gives a woodcut of some characters he discovered on the Kiobe, or, better, Kybele, of Mount Sipylus. Cf. "Le Sipylos et ses Monuments." Par G. Weber. Smyrna. 1880.—W. H. R.

5 It is consequently through the Hittites, and not through the Phoenicians, that the designs upon coins of Tarsus and Philadelphia, representing deities standing upon animals, must have made their way to those cities.

6 See "Records of the Past," Vol. IV, 25.

7  See list of names at the end of this paper.

8 "Homeric Synchronism." 8vo., 1876, pp. 174, 182.

9  The symbols are copied from those borne in standard form, figured by Texier, Vol. I, plates 75, 76, 77, 79, unless otherwise specified.

10 It assumes quite a different form in the copy published by M. Clermont-Gunneau. "Pales. Explor., Quart. Statement," 1873, p. 73.—W. H. R.

11 On the coins of Antioch ad Mæandrum Attis, the sun-god, the son and bridegroom of Kybele, is represented as holding the mask of Kybele in the two hands above his head. (Waddington, "Revue numismatique," 1851, p. 235, pl. xii, No. 1.) The mask, therefore, here takes the place of the winged disk.

12 See De Lagarde, "Gesamm. Abhandlungen," p. 238.

13 Ap. Athen. viii, p. 346.

14 See the translation of this document, "Records of the Past," Vol. II, p. 31, where Mr. C. W. Goodwin reads the name Astarata, which is identified by Dr. Birch with Ashtaroth.—W. H. R.

15 We shall see later on that the native Hittite name of Attis seems to have been Adad or Dada, that his daughter was the goddess Simi, and that Aramis was probably the name of the supreme god of Carchemish.

16 "Die Eutdeckung Ilion's zu Hissarlik," 1875.

17 iii, 2, 3.

18 "Alexandra," 29.

19 Ad Il., xix, 136.

20  It is unfortunate that no Hittite engraved gems or similar small objects have yet been discovered at Carchemish. Mr. E. P. Greg, however, possesses a seal which came from Aleppo, and has a scarabaeus engraved upon it in the Hittite style. I would, therefore, refer it to a Hittite origin.

21  On the bronze gates of Balawat the natives of Armenia and Van are represented with the tunics, bare legs, and tip-tilted shoes that, as we have seen, distinguished the Hittites and their kinsmen.

22 "Revue archeologique," 1870, pp. 77-85.

23 Among the terra-cotta images of the Asiatic goddess discovered by Major di Cesnola about four hours distant from Salamis in Cyprus, is one in which the mural crown of the deity is supported on a row of eagles. These eagles, though not double-headed, are in the Hittite style. On another image the lowermost of the three necklaces which adorn the goddess (as also at Hissarlik) has the winged solar disk hanging from it.

24 According to the "Etymologicum Magnum" the Lydian hero Kayster, the eponym of the Kaystrian plain, went to Syria, and there had Semiramis by Derketo. Since Derketo was the goddess of Carchemish, Syria must mean the Hittite territory. Xanthus, the Lydian historian (Athen.: Deipnos. VIII, 37, p. 346), declared that Derketo had been drowned in the lake of Askalon by the Lydian Mopsus. Stephanus Byzantinus, following the same story, made the Lydian Askalos, the son of Hymenaeus and brother of Tantalus, the founder of Askalon, and declared that he had been sent thither as general by the Lydian king Akiamus. These legends relate to the mythical period of Lydian history before the rise of the Heraklid dynasty, and seem to be a reminiscence of the occupation of Lydia by the Hittites. We may conjecture that the rise of the Heraklids was coeval with the overthrow of Hittite domination in the country. I imagine that Askalon has crept into the legend by mistake for some city or country of similar name, and that the version of the story given in the "Etymologicum Magnum" is geographically the most correct.

25 The so-called swastika, found so plentifully on objects from Hissarlik, as well as on the prehistoric pottery of Kyprus and Attica, is, I believe, of Hittite origin. As it occurs on the triangular pelvis of a leaden figure of the Babylonian Artemis Nana discovered by Dr. Schliemann at Troy, it would seem to have been a symbol of generation. Now it bears a close resemblance in form to the so-called Kypriote character or (ne), which appears in the inscriptions of Golgi. This Kypriote character is identical with the common Hittite character, which Dr. Hyde Clarke once suggested to me denoted the organs of generation.

26 The forms of several other characters also have undergone a change. Thus the Hamathite [symbol] represents the Carchemish [symbol]; Ham. [symbol] represents Car. [symbol] (the arm); Ham. [symbol] represents the Car. [symbol]; Ham. [symbol] represents Car. [symbol]; Ham. [symbol] represents Car. [symbol]. We find differences in the characters belonging to Carchemish itself; thus the inscriptions copied there by Mr. Smith has [symbol] corresponding to the [symbol] of the seals; but the inscriptions now in the British Museum apparently represent the same character under the form of [symbol], which elsewhere appears as [symbol] or [symbol]. At Carchemish [symbol] represents the [symbol] of the seals and the Hamathite inscriptions.

27 This is an interesting example of a hieratic form, and the way in which the original pictorial characters become changed into conventional ones. It will also be noticed that the phonetic complement or grammatical suffix so is omitted.

28 It is equally shown that the two characters cannot denote the plural, as I conjectured in my former paper on the Hamathite Inscriptions.

29  The position of the character which represents a head and arm with the hand pointing to the mouth [symbol] seems to imply that it signifies "to speak" or "say," the four lines denoting the third person singular. The simple outstretched arm [symbol] may denote "action" or "doing," the arm with a dagger [symbol] the act of "slaying," the arm upraised [symbol] "prayer," and the two heads and shoulders with the arms crossed "to make peace" or "alliance." In [symbol] we may see the sacred tree.

30 At present known only from the single inscription copied by Hamilton at Eyuk.

31 Known only from the fragmentary inscription from one of the old bases of the temple of Artemis at Ephesus, published by Mr. Newton in the Transactions of this Society, IV, p. 334 (1876), which I have shown in the Appendix to Dr. Schliemann's work to be a specimen of Lydian writing.

32 Breal, "Sur le Dechiffrement des Inscriptions Cypriotes," in the "Journal des Savants." August and September, 1877.

33 So, again, a similar intermediate sound between t and d seems to be presupposed by the Assyrian Milidi and its classical equivalent Melite(ne), and it is at least worth notice that just as n is not expressed in writing before a guttural or a dental in Kypriote, the name of the king of Carchemish who lived in the time of Assur-natsir-pal and Shabnaneser I, is indifferently spelt 'Sangara and 'Sagara. But it must be allowed that the omission of the nasal before a dental was a peculiarity of the Pamphylian dialect, which may easily have been shared by that of Kyprus; thus in the inscription of Sillyon, atropoiei represents [Greek], and adriona [Greek] (that is [Greek]).

34 It must not be forgotten that while the inscriptions written in the Kypriote syllabary usually run from right to left, those of Paphos run from left to right. In this we may see another proof that the Kypriote syllabary is not derived from the Assyrian, which was always written from left to right; while the fact that it is precisely at Paphos, the centre of the Semites in the island, that the inscriptions read from left to right, equally shows its independence of the Semitic alphabet. On the other hand, the clay impressions of seals found by Sir A. H. Layard, show that a Hittite inscription of a single line might be indifferently written from left to right, or from right to left.

35 Pausanias, III, 17, 5.

36 Strabo, pp. 533, 544, 737. See Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod., I, 948. Similarly Herodotus (I, 72, vii, 72) makes the inhabitants of Kappadokia and Kilikia Syrians; and Pindar (Fr. 150, Bergk) speaks of "a spear-armed Syrian host" at the mouth of the Thermodon. Sinope, according to Skymnus of Khios (943) was founded among the Syrians, and a promontory a little to the north of Sinope was called Syrias. The coins of Sinope, Side, and Kotyora (Gazir) have Aramaic legends (Brandis, "Murzwesen," 308, 427), though as they are not earlier than the 4th century B.C, this does not prove much.

37 "Med. Herb.," 89.

38 N. H. XIII. 73.

39 Strabo, XI, p. 511; XV, p. 733.

40 G. Syncell., "Chronograph." p. 290, ed. Dindorf.

41 Z.D.M.G., XXXI, 4 (1877).

42 Nonnus: Dion., XXXIV, 188.

43 "Assyriens og Aegyptens gamle Historie." (1877) II, p. 704.

44 Joliannes Lvdus, "De magist.," Ill, 64.

45 Dion. H., I, 26; Strab., 549.

46 It is possible that the god Adad or Hadad, the Syrian deity corresponding to the Assyrian Rimmon, the air-god, was originally Hittite. Though the name is found in the Biblical Hadadezer (the Hadad-idri of the inscriptions of Shalmaneser I, as Dr. Schrader was the first to point out, "Keilinschriften und Geschichtsforschung," 1878, pp. 538, 539), and though we have the express testimony of the Assyrian inscriptions (Smith's "Assurbanipal," 271, 106) that Dadda (i.e., Hadad) was the Assyrian equivalent of Rimmon, it may nevertheless have been borrowed by the Arameans from their Hittite neighbours. At any rate, Macrobius ("Saturn., I, 23) states that it signified "one" in the Assyrian—that is, the Syrian—language; and Zech. xii, 11, shows that Hadad- Rimmon was identical with the Accadian Sun-god Tammuz (Adonis) or Dumuzi, which meant "the one" or "only son" in the old language of Chaldea. Now it is impossible to find in the Semitic dialects a word Hadad or Dadda, "one," while Sbalmaneser I speaks of the "god Rimmon (? Dadda) of Khalvan," or Aleppo; and Car-Rimmon, "the fortress of Rimmon," is mentioned as a Hittite town. Since Atys or Attis, written Attes in the Lykian inscriptions, is the equivalent of Tammuz or Adonis in Asia Minor, I cannot help asking whether the Syrian Adad is not the same name, and equally derived from a Hittite source? We learn from coins of a prince Abd-Hadad, "servant of Hadad," who ruled from Damaskus to Hierapolis in the 4th century (Waddington, "Revue numismatique," new ser. V (1861), pp. 9, sq.). Dadi was also the name of a king of Khubuscia in northern Nahri, between Van and Kolkhis, in the time of Samas-Rimmon; and Giri-Dadi of Assaya, on the eastern frontier of Komagene, from whom Assur-natsir-pal received tribute, is the same as Cigiri-Dadi, who gave tribute to Assur-natsir-pal's son Sbalmaneser, and whose name I have misread Cigiri-Rimmon in the "Records of the Past," III, p. 87.

47 A remarkable similarity also shows itself between some of the Hittite names and terminations and those of places mentioned on the Assyrian monuments as situated to the south-west of the Caspian. Thus we have a Khalvan on the east of the Tigris, as well as among the Hittites. It is just possible that the name of the Khalybes may be the same word, if we remember that Khilib was the Egyptian equivalent of the Assyrian Khalvan.

48 The letter transcribed z after Brugsch, written t by other Egyptologists, should be transcribed t.

49 The numbers denote the date B.C. at which the persons named are mentioned in the inscriptions.

50 An may, however, be intended to represent the determinative prefix of divinity. In this case we should have a god Teru or Terus (cf. Tros and Tiras).